ˇ ̨ Elect a Progressive President to Reform the Democrats
2008 reasons to elect a progressive 
president in 2008
Irregular Times

  • 2008 Reasons to Elect a Progressive President

  • Vote Democrat 2008

  • Al Gore for President in 2008

  • Dennis Kucinich for President in 2008

  • Bill Moyers for President in 2008

  • Barack Obama for President in 2008

  • Reform the Democratic Party

    1. Every progressive knows how badly the Democratic Party is in need of reform. The institutions of the Democratic Party are in the grasp of people who are trying to drag the Democrats toward the right, seeking to transform the Democratic Party into a place where Republicans can feel at home.

      The sad thing is that these Democratic politicians, in organizations like the Democratic National Committee, the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, and the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, believe that the best way for Democratic candidates to gain victory is for them to become less like Democrats and more like Republicans. What they don't understand is that the reason American voters are disgusted with the Democratic Party is that too many Democratic politicians don't seem willing to stand for anything any more. When the Democratic leadership offers little resistance to the Republicans' right wing agenda, voters become disillusioned with the Democratic Party.

      The 2008 presidential campaign is a great opportunity for the American people to set the Democratic Party back on a course of clear progressive strength. If we can elect a progressive Democrat as President in 2008, that progressive will become the de facto leader of the Democratic Party, and will set about replacing all the rightward leaning collaborationist officials in the Democratic Party.

      A progressive President will work to make change from the top down, but we'll be working from the bottom up to provide the power to make that change possible. In 2008, we need a grassroots campaign for a progressive President with the organizational might of Howard Dean's Democracy for America, but with a candidate with better progressive credentials than Dean. As we've seen with him as head of the Democratic National Committee, Howard Dean was never really a progressive Democrat. Dean has set about promoting right wing candidates like Bob Casey for Senate in Pennsylvania, and promoting right wing causes like mixing religion and politics.

      One of the best reasons to elect a progressive candidate for President in 2008 is that, through the mere effort to support a truly progressive candidate, we the progressive activists of the Democratic Party will become a greater force to be reckoned with, and Democratic politicians will learn to think twice before voting against progressive interests as they have so often in the past.

    2. The need to reform the Democratic Party to make it more progressive was amply demonstrated by the ability of General Wesley Clark to declare, "The campaign in Iraq illustrates the continuing progress of military technology and tactics, but if there is a single overriding lesson it must be this: American military power, especially when buttressed by Britain's, is virtually unchallengeable today. Take us on? Don't try! And that's not hubris, it's just plain fact," and then declare, not long after that he would run for President of the United States as a critic of George W. Bush's Iraq policies. (Source: Times of London, April 11, 2003)

    3. Tennessee Democrat Harold Ford Jr., former Congressman, failed Senate candidate, and current leader of the Democratic Leadership Conference, has not been a friend of progressives. He's flipped and he's flopped, casting votes on issues depending on what way the favored political winds were blowing from. He's said that he supports gay rights, but voted against them. Hehas refused to support anti-torture legislation that would make it illegal for the U.S. government to send prisoners held in the United States to foreign countries to be tortured. Ford also failed to support a bill that would revoke sections of the Patriot Act that allow government agents to secretly search through the financial and library records of law-abiding American citizens.

      In spite of the fact that he is a Democrat, Congressman Harold Ford Jr. has often stood in allegiance with George W. Bush against other Democrats. He's provided support to President Bush's attacks on separation of church and state, freedom from cruel and unusual punishment, and protection from unreasonable search and seizure. Harold Ford Jr. has been a shameless self-promoter, trying to make a name for himself by criticizing Democrats for not being Republican enough. Harold Ford Jr. quickly became the Joseph Lieberman of the U.S. House of Representatives.

      No one knows whether Harold Ford Jr. was at all involved in the corrupt activities of his uncle John Ford. So far, no evidence of a direct connection has emerged. However, it's a plain fact that both Harold Ford Jr. and John Ford were part of the same political machine. From a pragmatic standpoint, Harold Ford Jr. is tainted by the ethics scandal that has engulfed John Ford. Whether that connection ever grows grounds sufficient for prosecution, Harold Ford. Jr. is a great example of why the Democratic Party needs reform. (Source: Library of Congress)

      It's not enough to vote for a Democrat. You've got to vote for a progressive candidate or progressive politics won't be practiced. Take the Congress as an example. House progressive Henry Waxman has been the chairman of the House Government Oversight and Reform Committee since the beginning of 2007, and using his position he has held numerous hearings, taken numerous statements, issued numerous public requests for information and dragged numerous Bush administration scandals into the light of day.

      Senator Joseph Lieberman, who calls himself a Democrat but is decidedly unprogressive in his politics, has chaired the Senate Committee on Homeland Security, the equivalent committee in the upper house, also since the beginning of 2007. Lieberman has sat on his hands and refused to use his committee chairman's power to drag the malfeasance of the Bush administration into the clarifying light of day. The difference in practice between Representative Waxman and Senator Lieberman is the difference you get between voting for a progressive and just voting for the politician with the big, shiny "D." (Source: Mother Jones December 24, 2007)

    4. In January, 2005, John Kerry and Barbara Boxer were the only two Democratic senators to vote against the approving the nomination of Condoleeza Rice to become Secretary of State. Although Condoleeza Rice certainly has the intellect and ability to perform the technical aspects of the job, two days of questioning before Rice's confirmation clearly illustrated that Rice's character is not suitable for high office. Rice had coddled torture by agents of the American government had intentionally misled the American public on several occasions.

      Some Democratic senators, like Joseph Biden, played the weasely game of pretending to be deeply concerned about Condoleeza Rice's negative record, while at the same time pledging that they would certainly vote for her approval. Senators Kerry and Boxer didn't play that game. They showed the path for reform of the Democratic Party. (Source: Salon, January 20, 2005)

    5. Democratic Senator Joseph Lieberman has been George W. Bush's pet Democrat in Congress for years, helping President Bush pass tax breaks for the wealthy, supporting Bush's rush to start a war in Iraq, and running headlong with Bush Republicans into passing the extraordinary spying powers in the Patriot Act. Lieberman has suggested that Democrats who criticize President Bush are unpatriotic, and are not loyal Americans. Joseph Lieberman represents in one man everything that the Democratic Party should not be.

    6. In February of 2005, the American people witnessed another great Democratic rollover. The Senate almost unanimously voted to confirm Michael Chertoff as Secretary of Homeland Security (two Senators didn't bother to vote).

      In confirming Chertoff, the Senate Democrats looked over some truly horrid items in Chertoff's record. Chertoff orchestrated mass detentions of muslims in the United States - detentions lasting for months without any criminal charge. The prisoners under Chertoff's control were not allowed to see lawyers and were routinely beaten and humiliated before being released.

      Chertoff took the expertise in torture and illegal imprisonment that he gained with these prisoners and became an inside consultant to the Bush Administration's plans to detain and torture foreign muslims as well. Chertoff gave specific advice to the Bush Administration about how to torture prisoners while creating a thin veneer of legal justification for the torture.

      Not content to crush habeas corpus and inflict pain on prisoners, Michael Chertoff was also instrumental in creating the Patriot Act, which gives federal government agents the right to gather information on Americans' private lives, including everything from our personal reading habits to the diseases of our dogs to the most sensitive information about our medical histories. Chertoff now supports efforts to expand the powers given under the Patriot Act to give the Bush Administration even more power to spy on law-abiding citizens. (Sources: Democracy Now, February 3, 2005; Chicago Sun-Times, February 11, 2005; Washington Post, February 8, 2005, Library of Congress; New York Times, February 11, 2005)

      Joseph Lieberman thinks that we should not elect a progressive to be President in 2008. That's one very good reason to say that electing a progressive President is probably a very good idea.

    7. Without a progressive leadership of the Democratic Party, progressive politicians within the Democratic Party will continue to be forced to abandon their progressive efforts and to support the right wing agenda. One particular example of the effects of this pressure was given by Democratic Congressman John Conyers in November, 2006.

      John Conyers is commonly thought of as a strongly progressive member of the House of Representatives. In late 2005, Conyers introduced H.Res 635, a resolution that, if approved, would have begun investigations of George W. Bush's alleged crimes that would, in turn, have made formal recommendations on grounds for impeachment. By the time that the Democrats had regained the majority in the House of Representatives, however, John Conyers had been pressured by the House Democratic leadership to remove his support from the resolution. "I have agreed with Speaker-to-be Pelosi that impeachment is off the table," Conyers wrote to his supporters, soon after the election.

      If we elect a progressive president in 2008, this kind of pressure upon progressive Democrats in Congress will be countered with a new kind of pressure from the top. What we need is a leader of the Democratic Party who will pressure Democrats to support the progressive values of Democratic voters, not the right wing values of Republican voters. (Source: Email from Congressman John Conyers, November 15, 2006)

    8. One very important policy difference between the Democratic candidates for President of the United States was in December of 2006, as the House of Representatives pulled S. 3711 from consideration after it became clear to Republican leaders that the bill did not have a sufficient number of representatives to pass. That's a good thing, because S. 3711, also known by the War On Terror Era name of The Gulf of Mexico Energy Security Act of 2006, promoted a very foolish idea: Allowing more drilling for crude oil in the Gulf of Mexico.

      One phrase ought to make it clear why oil drilling in the Gulf of Mexico is a foolish idea: Hurricane Katrina. The Gulf of Mexico is right in the middle of hurricane territory, making oil drilling there a very risky proposition. When Hurricane Katrina hit, for example, seven major oil spills took place, releasing more than 6.5 million gallons of crude oil and sending all that oil washing onto the ecologically sensitive shores of the Gulf of Mexico. More than 400 other smaller oil spills also took place as a result of Hurricane Katrina, releasing what has been estimated in total to be more oil than was spilled by the oil tanker Exxon Valdez in 1989.

      The vulnerability of oil drilling operations in the Gulf of Mexico was made apparent to all Americans, as 91.45 percent Gulf of Mexico oil production was shut down by the storm and took quite a long time to recover. As a result, the price of gasoline shot up to record levels nationwide.

      It's ironic that Senator Peter Domenici decided to call this an energy security bill, because if we allow more oil drilling in the Gulf of Mexico, we will make ourselves less secure, not more secure. Our energy supply and our economy alike will become more vulnerable to hurricane damage. Our environment will become less secure as well, subjected to more and more immense spills of crude oil along our Gulf shores. We know for certain that more hurricanes will come to batter the Gulf of Mexico oil infrastructure. The only question is how soon the next big storm will come. These are not odds that America should be gambling with.

      Back in August of 2006, the United States Senate voted to approve S. 3711. In spite of the clear folly of increasing American dependence upon vulnerable oil drilling in the Gulf of Mexico, Senator Hillary Clinton voted with the Senate Republicans in favor of S. 3711.

      The other Democratic Senators who are expected to run for President in 2008 did not vote for S. 3711.

      Senator Evan Bayh voted against it.

      Senator Joseph Biden voted against it.

      Senator Barack Obama voted against it.

      Senator John Kerry abstained from voting on the bill.

      This vote is just one example of why it is important to examine the policy differences between the Democratic presidential candidates of 2008. Hillary Clinton voted to make our economy, our energy infrastructure and our environment less secure. The other Democratic presidential candidates in the Senate did not.

      Progressives need to know the difference. (Sources: Associated Press, December 6, 2006; The Guardian, September 16, 2005; Energy Information Administration Special Report, Hurricane Katrina's Impact on the U.S. Oil and Natural Gas Markets, August 31, 2005)

    9. The Democratic Party is never going to win over the racists, sexists and other breeds of bigots who make up a huge chunk of the Republican base of support. It's time for progressives to stand up for what they believe in, with no soft-pedalling, and no apologies. This is no time for triangulation. Let the Republicans grab for the votes of bigots. Democrats will more than make up for that if they offer a positive vision of a large-minded America.

    10. Among those national Democratic leaders who slid on over to the right side of Congress is Nancy Pelosi, now the Speaker of the House. Pelosi's slide toward Republican-friendly positions first became clear in the race for chair of the Democratic National Committee after the 2004 election. Nancy Pelosi endorsed a conservative Democrat, Tim Roemer.

      How conservative was Tim Roemer? Roemer:

      - built up a history of voting for the interests of big corporations at the expense of average working Americans.
      - had consistently promoted an extreme pro-life agenda, - collaborated with the Bush Administration's efforts to construct a powerful system to spy on American citizens in the name of Homeland Security
      - voted twice in favor of amending the U.S. Constitution to ban protests that "desecrate" the American flag
      - voted to withhold US payments to the United Nations
      - voted for Star Wars "missile defense" technology proven not to work
      - supported government funding of religious organizations
      - voted to repeal the estate tax on wealthy Americans
      - was a member of Joseph Lieberman's infamous Democratic Leadership Council

      It's beyond bizarre that Nancy Pelosi, who gained her position in the House Democratic leadership through her steadfast adherence to liberal ideals, should so quickly turn tail and run off with Roemer's pack in the extremist right wing of the Democratic Party. Of course, Roemer himself is not the whole of the problem. One-time liberals like Nancy Pelosi are showing their weakness by changing their colors so abruptly, and the American people are paying attention. (Source: CNN, December 14, 2004)

    11. The autumn of 2006 brought a clear sign of how much the Democratic Party is in need of progressive reform. 34 Democrats in the House of Representatives and 11 Democratic United States Senators supported George W. Bush and voted in favor of the Military Commissions Act (HR 6166 in the House and S 3930 in the Senate).

      Some say that the Democratic Party should be a big tent, but when that big tent welcomes in politicians who are willing to help Republicans do away with the foundations of American law and liberty, such as habeas corpus, there is a serious problem. We need to ensure that we elect a progressive President in 2008 who will offer clear leadership in guiding the Democratic Party away from its accomodation of the Military Commissions Act. (Source: The Library of Congress)

    12. So you want to know why we should 
elect a progressive as president in 2008?  Consider this...

      Ralph Nader Used to work With Democrats in 
Congress and the White House to enact policies and programs that...
      helped a lot of Americans live better, less 
vulnerably and with more inclusive participation in government
      You may not like Nader.  But you don't have to like 
him to understand that he moved to a 2000 presidential run after 8 years of a Democrat in the White House...
      The way to keep that from happening again 
is to bring people like Nader and people who voted for Nader back to a point where they have a place at the table.

      (Source: An Unreasonable Man, IFC Films, 2007)

    13. In March, 2005, a law that should have been called the Morally Bankrupt Act passed the U.S. Senate. The law made it more difficult for average people who run into hard times to keep even the most basic of assets when they run into already rich megacreditors who want just a bit more profit.

      The last ditch in this legislative slog was the House of Representatives, where the credit industry's pocket politicians display even fewer scruples. The solid wall of Senate Republicans (and the pathetic pastiche of Senate Democrats) who voted for this bill, 74-25, say that the high-profit, high-interest-rate consumer credit industry needs to be protected against struggling people.

      Consider that again: This bill was passed so that a very healthy industry could be protected against struggling people.

      Do you remember when, in this country, people were the central objects of concern?

      Silly me. That kind of concern is so 20th century. Everything's changed now. That's what they tell me at least. I see the same trees, the same streets, the same lamp posts. The same people. But the 56 Republican Senators (every single one) and 18 Democrats who voted this lemon through clearly see something different.

      We expect Republican Senators to sell out people's interests to their corporate paymasters, but it is sickeningly disappointing to see 18 Democratic Senators, politicians whose re-elections so many people have supported, turn their backs on people and take the side of the inhuman, inhumane moneymaking entities.

      Shame on Senators Baucus, Bayh, Biden, Bingaman, Byrd, Carper, Conrad, Inouye, Johnson, Kohl, Landrieu, Lincoln, Nelson (of Florida), Nelson (of Nebraska), Pryor, Reid, Salazar and Stabenow. They are betraying the best traditions of the Democratic Party. They are kicking unfortunate people when they are down.

      I hope the flood of campaign cash sure to come their way balances out the dark ache of guilt they are sure to feel in their stomachs late at night, when they are all alone. No, come to think of it, I actually don't. (Source: Library of Congress)

    14. Why vote for a progressive candidate for president in 2008? Because if you don't vote for someone whose politics are based in their ideals, you instead get a politician who bends with the wind, altering policy positions to suit the latest fashion. Then you get embarrassing statements like this regarding Iraq:
      We are in a dire situation, using your adjective, in part because the Congress was supine under the Republican majority, failing to conduct oversight and demanding accountability...

      These were the words of the accusatory Senator Hillary Clinton in last week's hearing regarding the confirmation of Lt. General David Petraeus to head up the military effort. Clinton intended this remark as an indictment of the Republican Party, but it applies just as well to herself. In the buildup to the Iraq war, she pursued the path of political least resistance at the time, declaring herself in support of the war in Iraq and failing to exercise her considerable power that even a minority Senator has to engage in oversight and demand accountability. She only came to critique the war in Iraq when a large manjority of Americans had already arrived at a critical point of view themselves.

      And even now that Senator Clinton has arrived at a somewhat critical stance regarding the war in Iraq, she continues to avoid the responsibility to engage in oversight and to demand accountability. As David Broder points out in his most recent column, Clinton failed to ask a single question of the man nominated to run the war to its conclusion. Not a single question. Instead, she informed the General of her feelings about Iraq based on a recent trip of hers.

      Oversight would have involved asking General Petraeus to articulate strategy, and then asking follow-up questions based on the candor and good sense of his responses. Demanding accountability would have involved asking General Petraeus to make a set of commitments and to set standards by which his success could be measured in the future. But that was not politically expedient -- so Senator Clinton made a speech instead.

      Had Senator Clinton been "ideological" in her orientation -- a dirty word these days meaning that one bases one's actions on a set of coherent conceptual claims and standards -- her conduct and her statements would at least have been consistent. But she's failed to either remain firm in her ideas or even to identify why she might have changed her minds, leaving me to wonder which political winds will fill her sails next.

    15. In the election of 2004, progressives gave a tremendous amount to the Democratic Party. We gave huge amounts of money. We volunteered for days and days. We held campaign meetings in our homes. We voted, and we voted Democrat in spite of the reservations we had about the weak progressive records of some Democratic candidates, including a move away from some progressive principles by presidential candidate John Kerry.

      We progressives gave so much, and tolerated so much, because we knew that the alternative would be worse. The Republicans now in power are following a theocratic, nationalist agenda that endangers the traditional freedoms that Americans have enjoyed for generations.

      So it was a double burden to now see that many of the Democrats who could not have won their elections in 2004 without the national progressive effort to support them, have betrayed us, and moved to collaborate with the ruling Republicans' effort to destroy all progressive elements within American civic culture.

      In March 2005, 14 Democrats in the U.S. House of Representatives voted to create a bill that did not just allow, but went so far as to encourage, discrimination in hiring on the basis of religion. This bill committed huge amounts of federal money to the purpose of financing organizations who refuse to hire anybody who is unwilling to convert to membership in the church of their bosses. These 14 House Democrats were given the opportunity to vote on an amendment that would have removed the religious discrimination clause from the larger bill. However, they voted against Robert Scott's Religious Liberty Amendment. (Source: Library of Congress)

    16. In February, 2007, Senator Diane Feinstein introduced S.594, the Cluster Munitions Civilian Protection Act, to the United States Senate. The law forbids the United States government from spending money to use, sell or transfer cluster bombs unless the following requirements are met:
      - The cluster bombs are proven to have a 1 percent or lower rate of malfunction
      - The cluster bombs will not be used against anything but a clearly defined military target, in an area where there are no civilians and in places where civilians do not ordinarily live
      - A plan is submitted, with the costs included, for cleaning up all the undetonated explosives that come from cluster bombs, whether they're used by the US military, or by other countries to whom the United States has supplied the cluster bombs

      There is a waiver in the law for the first requirement (for the malfunctioning rate of 1 percent or lower), in cases in which it is "vital" to use cluster bombs in order to protect the security of the United States. However, even in such cases, the President is required to submit a report to Congress which explains how civilians will be protected from the cluster bombs, and revealing the failure rate of the cluster bombs, as well as whether the cluster bombs are equipped with self-destruct functions.

      The Cluster Munitions Civilian Protection Act is not a perfect law. I'm not too fond of the waiver. However, the law would be a big improvement over the status quo. Right now, there's nothing to stop the United States from using cluster bombs, as it did during the invasion of Iraq, or selling them for other countries to use, as was done last year with the cluster bombs that Israel used against the civilian population of Lebanon.

      The thing that makes cluster bombs so much worse than ordinary bombs is that they have a high failure rate, combined with a high number of small bombs that are spread over large areas of land by the larger bombs in which they are originally obtained. Cluster bombs are designed to kill people, not to damage buildings or roads. Like land mines, they continue to kill people long after the battle in which they were used. It is typical for a large number of these smaller bombs to remain undetonated, waiting to explode, after their initial deployment. The Federation of American Scientists reports, "Studies that show 40 percent of the duds on the ground are hazardous and for each encounter with an unexploded submunition there is a 13 percent probability of detonation. Thus, even though an unexploded submunition is run over, kicked, stepped on, or otherwise disturbed, and did not detonate, it is not safe. Handling the unexploded submunition may eventually result in arming and subsequent detonation."

      Cluster bombs kill civilians when they are used. Our government knows this, and yet our government continues to manufacture, use and sell cluster bombs to foreign countries.

      Senator Feinstein deserves our thanks for introducing the Cluster Munitions Civilian Protection Act to the floor of the Senate. Senators Edward Kennedy, Patrick Leahy, Barbara Mikulski, and Bernard Sanders also deserve our thanks, for co-sponsoring the bill.

      Where are the Presidential candidates on this issue? There are six United States senators who are running for President. Not a single one of them has given support to the Cluster Munitions Civilian Protection Act.

      Senators John McCain and Sam Brownback are Republicans. The other senators running for President are Democrats. They all have in common their dangerous neglect of the threat posed by American cluster bombs. This is a moral issue on which many Democrats and Republicans have failed. Five good Democrats have taken a stand against the uncontrolled development and spread of cluster bombs. Other Democrats in Congress have not.

      That failure includes Democratic Congressman and presidential candidate Dennis Kucinich. There is no bill at all on the floor of the U.S. House of Representatives to control the use of cluster bombs. What has Representative Kucinich, the supposed peace candidate, done about that? Absolutely nothing.

      The failure of most Democrats in Congress to support the effort to stop the use of cluster bombs is yet another reminder that there is a big difference between being a Democrat and being a progressive. In 2008, it's not enough to just elect a Democrat President. If we don't elect a progressive President, we can expect many more years of disappointment. (Sources: The Library of Congress; Cluster Munition Coalition; Human Rights Watch; Federation of American Scientists)

    17. An important reason to vote progressive in the 2008 elections, and not along a partisan Democratic line, is that if you don't vote according to principle, you'll get a pragmatic political result -- and political pragmatism is not pretty.

      Take for example the case of Joe Lieberman, who popped into a meeting of a committee of which he is not a member to put in a special good word for George W. Bush's nominee to be the next U.S. Ambassador to Belgium. That nominee, Sam Fox, funded the Swift Boat Veterans for Truth group in 2004 that injected outright slander into the presidential race. Such a person with a history of ham-handed public venom really should not be engaged in any diplomatic venues. But the ever-pragmatic Senator Lieberman vouched for Fox, "Sam Fox represents what America is all about, and that's why he will be, when confirmed, an extraordinary ambassador."

      Why would Joseph Lieberman say such a kind thing about someone who funds counterfactual, irrelevant dirty tactics in political campaigns? Boy, you've got me...

      Say, did I mention that Joe Lieberman recently received checks for a total of $21,000 from Sam Fox and his wife?

      Yes, Joe Lieberman is a very pragmatic politican, which is exactly what you get when you forget to vote your principles. (Source: Hartford Courant, March 8 2007)

    18. We can't say we weren't warned. Everyone knew full well two years ago exactly what sort of decision Samuel Alito would deliver as a justice of the Supreme Court. Here's what we at Irregular Times wrote two years ago about the Alito nomination:
      Look, for everybody who is working extra-hard to imagine a scenario in which Bush-nominated anti-choice nominee Samuel Alito might not vote to overturn Roe vs. Wade, read on.

      It doesn't get any clearer than this:

      "It has been an honor and source of personal satisfaction for me to serve in the office of the Solicitor General during President Reagan's administration and to help advance legal positions in which I personally believe very strongly. I am particularly proud of my contributions in recent cases in which the government has argued in the Supreme Court that racial and ethnic quotas should not be allowed and that the Constitution does not protect a right to an abortion."

      Period. End of story. If the United States Senate confirms Samuel Alito, he will vote to overturn Roe vs. Wade. Any Senator who votes to confirm Samuel Alito votes against a woman's right to control her own body.

      And now that this is Samuel Alito's presumed position, it is up to him, in public testimony, to affirm otherwise. Samuel Alito cannot say, as John Roberts did, that he believes petitioners to the Court need to believe he has no pre-set position on Roe vs. Wade. Clearly, the man does have a position. That cat is out of the bag. So any Senator on the Judiciary Committee who fails to use this and other material to grill Samuel Alito to the floor until he states his current specific position regarding Roe vs. Wade is grossly incompetent.

      Spread the word. Write a letter to the editor. Don't let this pass unmentioned. Samuel Alito's own explicitly stated position: he believes women do not have the right to have an abortion.

      Everyone knew Samuel Alito was dedicated to the overturn Roe v. Wade, and yet he was confirmed. After talking a big game about confronting Alito on his abortion position, Senators gave him a pass and voted him through.

      Samuel Alito was confirmed for two reasons. First, George W. Bush was re-elected president in 2004, and second, there were not enough progressives in Congress to stop Alito's confirmation. Yes, there were enough Democrats. No, there were not enough progressives. And so Samuel Alito is sitting on the Supreme Court as part of a majority which ruless that a woman has to go to court to prove her health is threatened before she can have what her doctor already believes is a medically necessary abortion.

      With Samuel Alito on the court, majority rulings that prioritize authoritarian prerogatives over individual liberty will continue. Liebermans in the White House and Caseys in the Senate won't change a thing. And that's why it is essential for the elections of 2008 not to bring a Democratic victory to the White House and to the Congress, but a progressive victory.

    19. Barack Obama and Hiillary Clinton want to expand the size of the military, they say.

      They say that they would end the war in Iraq, if they were elected President. They say that the spending in Iraq is taking too much money out of domestic spending.

      Yet, Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton both say that they want to expand the amount of money spent on the military. I don't understand it. Why spend more money on the military, after a war is stopped, than is being spent during war time?

      There is no major enemy the United States has that the military is capable of fighting. If the American military cannot capture Osama Bin Laden by invading and occupying the nation he's hiding in, then the American military is not going to be able to capture Osama Bin Laden by invading and occupying other countries.

      What is this expanded military that Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama seek for, then? The United States is not under any threat of a military invasion. The American military has proven incapable of stopping terrorist attacks. So why do we need a larger military? Why do we need more soldiers?

      Is it that Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton want to increase military spending, and increase the number of soldiers, so that they can look presidential? Do they still think that what the United States needs is another President eager to send the military around the world?

      Maybe the reason that I don't understand why we need a big military is that I'm too far to the left, out of the mainstream that Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton want to appeal to. If that's so, then that's so. I'm not about to support some crazy policy of politically-inspired militarism just because it's an effective electoral technique. I'd rather be out of touch with the American mainstream than to jump on this big military bandwagon.

      I am never more disappointed in the Democrats than when I see militaristic jingoism of the kind Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton are promoting. Their use of big military spending to strike a pose is just one more reminder of why, in the 2008 presidential election, it's not enough just to elect a Democrat. We need a progressive President. (Source: The Hill, May 3, 2007)

    20. Early in May 2007, after talking to someone on the legislative staff of Senator Robert Byrd, I wrote an article patience with Senate Democrats as they go through the difficult, complicated work of trying to end the war in Iraq. The issues in getting a bill to the floor of the Senate to vote on are complicated, I said.

      In a certain sense, that was true. Deciding which legislation to end the war to vote on next is a complicated process. However, the outcome we need is really not complicated at all. We need to get out of the mess in Iraq as soon as possible. Most Americans now clearly agree on that. The President of the United States has gone war-mad, and won't listen to the majority, so, it ought to be the task of Congress to end the war.

      Some in Congress are trying. There's Senator Russ Feingold, for instance, who gained the support of Senator Harry Reid and other Democrats in the Senate to introduce legislation (S.Amdt. 1098 to S.Amdt. 1097 to to H.R. 1495) that would have required the United States to begin a military pullout from Iraq four months from now, and complete that pullout by March 31, 2008.

      Then, on May 16, there was a roll call vote in the Senate on whether to approve Feingold's legislation to end the war in Iraq. It was not approved. The reason: Many Senate Democrats were too afraid to vote for it.

      Why? Why, when the Democrats have a majority in the Senate, and the majority of the American people want the Iraq War to end, are some Senate Democrats still afraid to vote to end the war? Put plainly, it was political cowardice. They voted that way because they didn't want to look soft. These Democratic politicians still think that the only way that they can look strong is to support George W. Bush in his vain quest to find some small scrap of victory in Iraq.

      It was 2002 all over again, with Senate Democrats so weak and agitated that they surrendered to the Republican pro-war nonsense without putting up a fight.

      These are the Democratic cowards in the Senate who voted in favor of keeping the Iraq War going on without restriction:

      Max Baucus of Montana
      Evan Bayh of Indiana
      Jeff Bingaman of New Mexico
      Tom Carper of Delaware
      Robert Casey of Pennsylvania
      Kent Conrad of North Dakota
      Byron Dorgan of North Dakota
      Mary Landrieu of Louisiana
      Carl Levin of Michigan
      Blanche Lincoln of Arkansas
      Claire McCaskill of Missouri
      Bill Nelson of Florida
      Ben Nelson of Nebraska
      Mark Pryor of Arkansas
      Jack Reed of Rhode Island
      John Rockefeller of West Virginia
      Ken Salazar of Colorado
      Jon Tester of Montana
      James Webb of Virginia
      When it comes time for you to vote for a presidential candidate in 2008, remember this shameful vote. Remember this painful evidence that many Democratic politicians are not at all progressive. In fact, they're anti-progressive.

      Don't just listen to what Democratic politicians say about themselves in their speeches. Pay attention to what they actually do. (Source: Library of Congress)

    21. It's just not safe these days to presume that a Democratic presidential candidate is progressive on the issues that matter.

      Consider the poor, pandering performance of three Democratic presidential candidates on the issue of religion and politics. When asked by the Associated Press to tell voters which church they attend and how often, Hillary Clinton, Barack Obama, John Edwards, and Christopher Dodd scrambled to provide eager answers to prove that they're not just religious believers, but that they attend church regularly and dutifully. Bill Richardson, Dennis Kucinich and Joseph Biden reported their churches too.

      Hillary Clinton gushed about her "extended prayer family" who she describes as "faith warriors". Obama reported proudly that he attends church "frequently". John Edwards reported that he's got one church already, and is shopping for a second one.

      Only Rudolph Giuliani got the answer right. He refused to answer. "The mayor's personal relationship with God is private and between him and God," Giuliani's campaign wrote in response.

      It's shameful to see Democrats posing to prove how religious they are, as if the issue has anything to do with their qualification for public service. Do they really expect us to accept the idea that a candidate who is religious is more qualified to be President of the United States than a candidate who is not? Maybe what they actually believe doesn't matter so much to their campaigns. If the majority of Americans are more likely to vote for a politician who loudly proclaims Christian religion than a politician who refuses to do so, these Democrats are pragmatically happy to play along with that game.

      True progressives don't support a religious test for public office. Unfortunately, it's not quite clear that the Democrats running for President in 2008 are as fully progressive as they'd like us to believe. (Sources: Forbes, June 1, 2007; GetReligion.org, June 4, 2007)

    22. In 2006, the Democratic mantra was "change the committee chairs". Democratic activists gasped to each other, "Can you imagine what it will mean to have a Democrat as chair on every committee?"

      Now, in 2007, we can see that Democratic chairs of congressional committees sometimes doesn't mean very much at all. Take, for example, the chairmanship of John Dingell over the House Committee on Energy and Commerce. Representative Dingell is a Democrat, but he's a Democrat from Michigan, and views it as part of his job to represent the interests of Michigan's car manufacturing companies.

      The car manufacturing companies of Michigan are against efforts to strengthen the fuel mileage standards for cars, and so Representative Dingell is eager to help the Republicans delay any congressional action on the matter. Six months into the new Democratic Congress, John Dingell's House Committee on Energy and Commerce still had not taken any action on increasing the fuel efficiency of cars. What's more, Dingell announced that the committee would not even begin to consider such matters until the autumn.

      Thanks to John Dingell, we're seeing the same delay and denial of action on fuel efficiency that we saw when Republicans controlled all the congressional committees. Dingell's dodge is a great reminder that, when it comes to promoting fuel efficiency and protecting the environment, it's not enough just to vote for a Democrat and assume that everything will turn out all right. You have to be sure to vote for a genuine progressive. (Source: The Guardian, June 22, 2007)

    23. On July 23, 2007, John Edwards was asked to explain his negative attitude about equal rights for same-sex couples to marry. Blunt and yet evasive, he said, "My wife Elizabeth spoke out a few weeks ago, and she actually supports gay marriage. I do not."

      What's missing from John Edwards's statement about opposing equal marriage rights is a justification. Edwards never really explained why he is against giving same-sex couples the right to get married.

      Edwards could claim that he is against same-sex marriage because he believes that marriage should exist only between a man and a woman. That's not an explanation, though. It's just a restatement of his opposition to equal marriage rights for same-sex couples.

      Edwards has, in the past, indicated that he's against equal marriage rights because he's a Southern Baptist. That's not much of an explanation either, though, unless Edwards is the type of person who believes whatever his church tells him to believe. If that's the case, then there's much to fear from a John Edwards presidency. After all, the Southern Baptists believe a lot of outrageous things. Does John Edwards, for instance, believe that it is a wife's duty to submit to her husband, and obey him as her master? If John Edwards rejects that Southern Baptist teaching, then why won't he reject the Southern Baptist opposition to same-sex marriage?

      Democratic voters deserve a real explanation from John Edwards. If he wants to earn voters' support, he ought to be willing to justify his opinions, not just state them without explanation. What about marriage between two people of the same sex does John Edwards think is wrong? Why?

      It isn't enough for Edwards to merely claim that it's not a relevant issue because he would not use his power as President impose his religious views on the American people. First of all, the moral reasoning John Edwards uses to justify denying equal marriage rights to all American adults is a relevant reflection on his general character and psychological fitness to be President. Secondly, in spite of what Edwards claims about keeping his prejudiced religious beliefs out of his work as President, he's made it quite clear that religion would be part of the basis for his opposition as President to legalizing same-sex marriage.

      The issue of marriage equality opens up a view to a rather shadowy side of John Edwards. Behind the smile and the talk of uniting America, John Edwards seems quite willing to accept the idea of two Americas with two standards of legal rights. (Source: CNN, July 23, 2007)

    24. During a Democratic debate this summer, Senator Joseph Biden gave what seems like the best reason NOT to support his campaign for President. Responding to a comment by Bill Richardson that a combination of diplomacy and United Nations peacekeepers ought to be used to deal with the violence in Darfur, Biden got testy, and said, "Look, I'm so tired of this. Let's get right to it. I heard the same arguments after I came back from meeting with Milosevic: We can't act; we can't send troops there. Where we can, America must. Why Darfur? Because we can."

      Joseph Biden is tired? He's tired of Americans saying where we shouldn't send the American military to fight? Does Senator Biden really think that the problem with American foreign policy is that the government has been too restrained in its efforts to send the military to fight in foreign countries?

      The war policy of Senator Joe Biden was expressed in just one sentence from this statement: "Where we can, America must". Senator Biden wants to fight new wars "because we can." Wherever the United States can get away with it, that's where Biden wants the American military fighting a war.

      With a foreign policy philosophy like that, it's no wonder that Joseph Biden voted in favor of George W. Bush's plan to invade and occupy Iraq. Biden is no progressive, that's for sure.(Source: CNN, July 23, 2007)

    25. I'm disappointed in Hillary Clinton.

      On July 23, 2007, when asked if he would commit to meeting with the leaders of Venezuela, Cuba, Syria, Iran and North Korea, Barack Obama said that yes, indeed he would. Obama pointed out that American Presidents held summits with the leaders of the Soviet Union during the Cold War. He also mentioned that the attempt to use the withholding of diplomatic contact as some form of punishment has not been effective.

      Barack Obama is right, of course. It's been three decades since Iran and the United States had a diplomatic relationship, and the lack of diplomacy has not resulted in the overthrow of the Iranian theocracy. On the contrary, lack of contact has made the regime more radical. George W. Bush's policy of not talking to North Korea's leadership made the nuclear crisis in that country worse, not better.

      In 2009, the new President will have the chance to overcome the foreign policy mistakes of the Bush presidency, and the best way to do that is to clearly demonstrate that the days of American obstinacy are over. Showing a willingness to listen to, and talk to, the leaders of all nations.

      Hillary Clinton, tied to the policies of her former President husband, did not react well. She seemed miffed at the idea of a new President being willing to talk to world leaders to whom her husband would not. With a knee jerk reaction, Clinton defended the way that things have been done in Washington D.C. for years. She called Barack Obama's proposal "irresponsible and frankly naive."

      It's a sad day for the Democratic Party when the supposed front-runner for President of the United States refers to talk as "irresponsible". The only thing to which face-to-face talks between the American President and leaders of other nations is irresponsible is the status quo. Frankly, the status quo is rotten. As for naivete, well, naivete is much to be preferred to fatalism.

      Hillary Clinton's snide remark at Barack Obama's vision of a new era of open diplomacy is the most stark reminder of the difference between these two candidates. Hillary Clinton is a fixture of the past. Barack Obama has the courage to look to the future, toward progress.

      When it comes to diplomacy, Barack Obama is the candidate who has the right to refer to himself as a progressive. Hillary Clinton, in comparison, seems too backwards-thinking, afraid and proud to extend a hand of reconciliation.

      For the sake of world community, Barack Obama looks like the better choice to me. (Source: Associated Press, July 24, 2007)

    26. Before Hillary Clinton gets so enthusiastic about calling Barack Obama naive just for suggesting that the President speak with the leaders of other nations, she might stop to think about the kind of naive behavior she has engaged in herself.

      Here's a clue for her. Two years ago, Hillary Clinton gave another speech in which she called some other people naive. Here's what she said back then: "We've adopted a realistic foreign policy that is not based entirely on military might nor on the naive notion that we do not need the capacity to take tough action when necessary."

      Don't recognize the quote? That's all right. It's not one that Hillary Clinton is spending a lot of time reminding people of. This quote comes from July 25, 2005, when Clinton was speaking to the Democratic Leadership Council, an organization of rightward leaning Democrats that Clinton belongs to.

      Can you guess what "realistic foreign policy" of the Democratic Leadership Council Hillary Clinton is talking about? Don't work too hard now, I'll tell you. It's the foreign policy of supporting George W. Bush's decision to invade and occupy Iraq. The Democratic Leadership Council was, after all, one hundred percent behind President Bush when he came up with the plan to start a war in Iraq. Every member of the DLC that was in Congress at the time, Hillary Clinton included, voted in favor of Bush's plan to rush the American military into Iraq.

      If ever there was a naive decision about foreign policy, it was the one that led Hillary Clinton to decide that George W. Bush seemed like the kind of President who knew exactly what he was doing, and could be trusted with broad war powers. Yet, Hillary Clinton now has the gall to call Barack Obama, who had the responsibility, foresight and maturity to oppose the invasion and occupation of Iraq from the start, naive?

      I encourage Hillary Clinton to look back to this speech, and what she said. She called those who urged restraint in military spending "naive", because there were times when "tough action" would be "necessary". Senator Clinton was just plain wrong when she suggested that using "tough action" in Iraq was necessary.

      Hillary Clinton was wrong to call those of us who wrote, emailed and called her offices, begging her not to vote in favor of starting a war in Iraq, naive. If she is going to ask for our votes, she ought to at least have the decency to apologize for that insult to antiwar activists. Instead, last night, she compounded it with another slur against diplomacy.

      The truth is, when it came down to the time to decide the appropriate time for diplomacy in Iraq, Hillary Clinton was dead wrong, and Barack Obama was spot on correct. Hillary Clinton's forgetfulness of this fact may suit her conscience, but it does not reflect well upon her presidential campaign.

    27. On the evening of July 24, 2007, I was listening to the radio for a few moments while making myself a peanut butter sandwich in the kitchen when I heard about the stupidest thing I have ever heard coming out of the mouth of Howard Dean.

      Howard Dean, now the head of the Democratic Party, was criticizing the proposal by Dennis Kucinich to end the war in Iraq in a relatively quick way by taking away funding for every aspect of the war except for the project of bringing American soldiers home safely. Howard Dean dismissed the idea by saying that if the Democrats cut the funding and ended the war now, then that would be the end of the Democratic majority in Congress, and then the war in Iraq would never be ended.

      What gymnastic thinking! Howard Dean was essentially arguing that if we end the war now, then we'll never end the war.

      Such a statement is obviously nonsense to us, but to someone like Howard Dean, it makes a kind of sense. You see, Howard Dean has for a long time now believed that ending the war and establishing Democratic Party control over the government are the same thing. Of course they're not, really, but Howard Dean has forged an automatic link between the two ideas. He started with the idea that the only way to end the war was elect a Democratic majority to Congress, and from there, quickly fell into the habit of thinking that having a Democratic majority in Congress and ending the war were the very same thing. The American people can see quite clearly now that Democratic control of Congress is in no way equivalent to ending the war in Iraq, but Howard Dean is still hoping that we'll buy the argument.

      Besides the obvious logical flaw in Howard Dean's argument, there's a severe chronological flaw. You see, Howard Dean was arguing against Kucinich's plan to end the war quickly, in a matter of a few months. However, Howard Dean implied that ending the war quickly would interfere with his plan to re- elect a Democratic majority over Congress in November 2008, which would then prevent the Iraq War from actually ended.

      Get out your calendar and do the math now. The 2008 presidential election is still more than a year away. The inauguration of the President and the next Congress does not happen until January 2009. So, if Dennis Kucinich's plan is to get the Iraq War done with quickly, in a matter of a few months from now, then how could the loss of the Democratic majority in Congress at the beginning of 2009 possibly interfere with the end of the war?

      Even if the withdrawal of the American military from Iraq took an entire year after funding for combat and training operations was pulled back, that would mean that the end of the war would take place in July of 2008, with the Democratic majority in Congress still intact. It would be absolutely impossible for a new Republican majority elected four months after that, and inaugurated two months later yet, to interfere with the plan. The theoretical new Republican Congress of 2009 would have to declare a new war in January 2009 and then invade Iraq all over again.

      It's all a matter of priorities. If the Democrats in Congress care more about ending the war in Iraq than they care about maintaining control over Congress, then they can end the war. If they care more about maintaining control over Congress than ending the war in Iraq, however, then the Democrats will argue about whether to end the war sooner or later, as they are now.

      What Howard Dean isn't counting on is that the Democrats could well lose majority control of Congress by not ending the war in Iraq. Progressives know that the best way to strengthen the Democratic Party is to show that its leaders have resolve, and are not merely playing around with the important issues of the day in order to remain popular. That's why, in 2008, when we choose a Presidential candidate, it's not good enough just to choose the Democrat. We need to choose a progressive candidate for President. (Source: Air America Radio, July 24, 2007)

    28. Democratic politicians who believe that their campaigns will benefit through the conspicuous pandering to the religious sensibilities of voters ought to pay attention to the effect that religious campaigning is having upon the Republican presidential candidates. Supporters of Republican presidential candidates Sam Brownback, Mike Huckabee and Mitt Romney are ripping each other apart with religion, fighting over who's a real Christian and who's not. Even when one of them tries to stand back from the fray and take the high road, the effort ends with a brutal stab at the religious authenticity of other Republicans.

      Consider this recent opinion posted on the web site Evangelicals for Mitt: "It's one thing to, as I mentioned the other day, take into account a candidate's religion. It's entirely another to simply say, as an evangelical pastor in Iowa just did while explaining an attack he made on Senator Brownback, 'Protestants should vote for Protestants.' But if we evangelicals set the precedent in this election that that's the way we should do things–shooting ourselves in the foot– we can look forward to more ugliness just like this. We can also look forward to more bad governance, because what church you go to has little or nothing to do with what you believe politically and how you put it into action. And I say that as someone who, just like Rev. Rude, left the Roman Catholic church before becoming a Christian."

      So, to start with, evangelical Christians blasted Mitt Romney for being a Mormon, not enough of a real Christian.

      Then, when some evangelical Christians formed the group Evangelicals for Mitt Romney, to try to counter the Republican religious bigotry of the anti- Romney religious groups, they too were blasted for being faith-traitors, with the claim that Protestants should vote for Protestants, and all the other Christian Republican candidates be damned.

      The damage against Evangelicals for Mitt in that attack was incidental, however, because the attack was in fact aimed at Sam Brownback. Reverend Tim Rude (Yes, that's his real name) of the Walnut Creek Community Church in Windsor Heights, Iowa made the attack in a letter he wrote campaigning in the name of his church for Mike Huckabee. Rude wrote, "Senator Brownback converted to Roman Catholicism in 2002. Frankly, as a recovering Catholic myself, that is all I need to know about his discernment when compared to the Governor's."

      As Evangelicals for Mitt fired back at the Walnut Creek evangelicals, they managed to insult Catholic Republicans again with the writer commenting that he, "left the Roman Catholic church before becoming a Christian." So, the very Republicans who are trying to defend Mitt Romney against the charge that he isn't a real Christian because he's a Mormon are more than happy to attack Sam Brownback on similar grounds, claiming that he isn't a real Christian because he's Catholic.

      This kind of nonsense is the inevitable result of Republicans pandering to religious groups in the hopes that their churches will join their campaigns. If the Democratic candidates are smart, they'll stop trying to imitate the Republicans in making religion a campaign issue. Differences in religion are so divisive that they prevent people who should be political allies from joining together in common cause. There's no sense to these debates either. No one can win an argument over who is the most true believer.

      While right wing Democrats have been pushing the idea of using religion as a motivational tool in presidential campaigns, progressives have argued against such tactics. That's good reason to pick a progressive presidential candidate who has attempted to keep religious division out of the 2008 campaign. (Sources: EvangelicalsForMitt, August 1, 2007; The Atlantic, July 31, 2007)

    29. "We did everything he wants." — spokesman for House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, August 3 2007

      Pelosi's spokesman was referring to Congressional Democratic leadership's decision to support George W. Bush's pet legislation that, in violation of the U.S. Constitution's 4th Amendment, authorizes wiretaps of phone calls without a warrant.

      Do you care about the American tradition of civil liberties? Are you opposed to Big Brother Government? Do you believe that our politicians in Washington, DC should fulfill their oaths to support and defend the U.S. Constitution?

      If your answer to these questions is "Yes," the Republicans have shown over and over again that they are not on your side. But in their roll-over on the 4th Amendment, the Congressional Democratic leadership has demonstrated that it cannot be trusted either. In the next national election of 2008, we need to send people to Washington, DC who know how to stand up for the Constitution. We need to identify and put people in office who have the capacity to just say NO. (Source: Washington Post August 4 2007)

    30. The Protect America Act is a new law authorizing electronic surveillance dragnets deployed by the government against the American people. The law replaces judicial warrants with executive prerogative and substitutes blank checks for congressional oversight, and is clearly unconstitutional even by the most generous reading of the Fourth Amendment in the Bill of Rights.

      Yet, Democratic senator Claire McCaskill voted along with the Republicans in favor of the Protect America Act. Here is her lame excuse: "I'm not thrilled. There are some changes we need to make to make sure that American citizens are protected. But it's a lot better than a lot of things that have been forced down this Congress' throat right before recesses that trampled on Americans' liberties."

      What kind of standard for passing a law is this? If Senator McCaskill was not thrilled with the legislation, why did she vote for it? If without changes to the bill American citizens are not protected, why didn't Senator McCaskill make those changes? If she couldn't make the changes, why did she vote for such a deeply flawed bill?

      In Claire McCaskill's characterization of her own mind, she sees a bill is being forced through the Senate that she feels she is powerless to stop, so she just wafts along with the gang. She might as well vote yes, with the consolation that it "trampled on Americans' liberties" less than some other bills in the past.

      Outside Claire McCaskill's mind, we're aware that she is a United States Senator. United States Senators are not powerless. United States Senators can choose to vote NO on bills they do not like. United States Senators can place holds on bills. United States Senators can offer amendments. United States Senators can filibuster.

      Another piece of the United States Constitution was trampled yesterday, and a U.S. Senator votes for the bill that does it because she says she was "forced" to, as if a gun were held to her head, as if she had no brain in her head, as if she were utterly incapable of making a choice or exercising power.

      Claire McCaskill is either devoid of the will to exercise her power to defend the Constitution — or she is using a mask of blank will to cover active anti- constitutional intent.

      In the former case, she's a waste of space. In the latter case, she is an opponent of civil liberty. In either case, she needs to be replaced, along with other nominal Democrats who can't or won't handle the responsibilities of representative democracy.

    31. Just before she cast her vote on the Protect America Act, a bill which replaces the authority of the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution with unchecked spy powers of the Attorney General and Director of National of National Intelligence, Democratic Party Senator Dianne Feinstein had this to say about it: "I spent all afternoon on the McConnell bill and am just beginning to understand the subtleties in it and the others laws that come into play."

      That's right: Senator Dianne Feinstein came out and said squarely that she was "just beginning to understand" the language of the Protect America Act. And yet, despite avowedly not understanding the Protect America Act, she declared in the very next sentence her intention to vote YES for the bill's passage. Not long afterwards, that's exactly what she did.

      Voting for a constitution-gutting bill without understanding it first? That's the kind of careless behavior you should expect from a junior state senator, or some kind of emergency replacement, or some other inexperienced politician. But Dianne Feinstein has been in politics since I was in diapers, and I'm no spring chicken. She should have known better.

      There's no excuse for Dianne Feinstein's behavior. It's not like the Senator couldn't have delayed the vote. For all practical purposes, it takes 60 votes in the Senate to pass a bill, because it takes 60 votes to end debate on a bill. The bill passed on exactly 60 votes. If Senator Feinstein, who admitted she didn't understand the bill she was voting on, had really cared about what she was doing, she could have single-handedly stopped the vote and let debate on the bill continue, giving herself and her colleagues enough time to read the bill again and figure it out.

      But no, Senator Feinstein wasn't interested in understanding the bill. She didn't care enough to wait and read the bill one more time. She didn't bother. She just went ahead and voted YES, admitting that she did not know what the full ramifications of voting YES were.

      This vote wasn't about a tiny matter — it had to do with gutting of the 4th Amendment to the Constitution, which protects us from unwarranted seizure and surveillance. The 4th Amendment stands between liberty and tyranny. If on this big issue Senator Feinstein can't be bothered to take the time to know what she's doing, why should the people of California ever vote for her again?

    32. The following are the names of the 16 Senate Democrats who voted YES to pass the Protect America Act, the bill to legally enable unconstitutional searches without probable cause or warrants:

      Senator Evan Bayh of Indiana
      Senator Thomas Carper of Delaware
      Senator Robert Casey of Pennsylvania
      Senator Kent Conrad of North Dakota
      Senator Dianne Feinstein of California
      Senator Daniel Inouye of Hawaii
      Senator Amy Klobuchar of Minnesota
      Senator Mary Landrieu of Louisiana
      Senator Blanche Lincoln of Arkansas
      Senator Claire McCaskill of Missouri
      Senator Barbara Mikulski of Maryland
      Senator Ben Nelson of Nebraska
      Senator Bill Nelson of Florida
      Senator Mark Pryor of Arkansas
      Senator Ken Salazar of Colorado
      Senator James Webb of Virginia

      The large majority of these YES-voting Democratic Senators are routinely unprogressive in their legislative records behavior, indicating that this one vote is no aberration. Democratic partisans promised us that if we just voted for conservative Democrats, we'd get a progressive restoration of constitutional government. This past The capitulation of these senators on the Protect America Act shows us, yet again, that if you want progressive government, you have to vote for progressives, not just any politician who happens to be running for office under the name of Democrat.

    33. I was surprised when I saw the roll call vote in the House for S.686, the 2005 bill that demolished equality under the law establishing a separate law that applied to just two people, stating that "Any parent of Theresa Marie Schiavo shall have standing to bring a suit under this Act" (all two of them) but that "Nothing in this Act shall be construed to confer additional jurisdiction on any court to consider any claim" (the rest of us).

      I had been laboring under the misapprehension that this bill passed the House of Representatives because a majority voted for it, but I was wrong.

      The bill passed with a minority of votes. Only 58 members of Congress had the spine to stand up and vote NO. A stunning 174 members weaseled out of their constitutionally-mandated duty and failed to vote at all, handing victory to a legislative minority. That includes Democrats as well as Republicans. (Source: Library of Congress)

      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 㐀⸀ 夀攀琀Ⰰ 搀甀爀椀渀最 琀栀愀琀 漀渀攀 琀攀爀洀 椀渀 漀昀昀椀挀攀Ⰰ 匀攀渀愀琀漀爀 䔀搀眀愀爀搀猀 洀愀渀愀最攀搀 琀漀 洀愀欀攀 琀栀攀 琀爀攀洀攀渀搀漀甀猀 攀爀爀漀爀 漀昀 瘀漀琀椀渀最 椀渀 昀愀瘀漀爀 漀昀 氀攀琀琀椀渀最 䈀甀猀栀 猀琀愀爀琀 琀栀攀 䤀爀愀焀 ਀圀愀爀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀匀攀渀愀琀漀爀 䨀漀猀攀瀀栀 䈀椀搀攀渀Ⰰ 䠀椀氀氀愀爀礀 䌀氀椀渀琀漀渀 愀渀搀 䌀栀爀椀猀 䐀漀搀搀 栀愀瘀攀 琀栀攀 挀氀攀愀爀 攀搀最攀 漀昀 攀砀瀀攀爀椀攀渀挀攀 漀瘀攀爀 䨀漀栀渀 䔀搀眀愀爀搀猀⸀ 夀攀琀Ⰰ 氀椀欀攀 䔀搀眀愀爀搀猀Ⰰ 琀栀攀椀爀 攀砀瀀攀爀椀攀渀挀攀 椀猀 ਀琀愀椀渀琀攀搀 眀椀琀栀 瀀爀漀昀漀甀渀搀 氀愀挀欀 漀昀 樀甀搀最洀攀渀琀⸀ 吀栀攀礀 瘀漀琀攀搀Ⰰ 愀猀 䔀搀眀愀爀搀猀 搀椀搀Ⰰ 椀渀 昀愀瘀漀爀 漀昀 琀栀攀 椀渀瘀愀猀椀漀渀 愀渀搀 漀挀挀甀瀀愀琀椀漀渀 漀昀 䤀爀愀焀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀吀栀攀爀攀 愀爀攀 洀愀渀礀 瀀攀漀瀀氀攀 椀渀 圀愀猀栀椀渀最琀漀渀 䐀⸀䌀⸀ 眀栀漀 栀愀瘀攀 戀攀攀渀 椀渀 瀀漀眀攀爀 昀漀爀 愀 氀漀渀最 琀椀洀攀⸀ 圀栀愀琀 搀漀攀猀 琀栀攀 焀甀愀渀琀椀琀礀 漀昀 琀椀洀攀 漀挀挀甀瀀礀椀渀最 瀀漀眀攀爀 瀀爀漀瘀攀Ⰰ 漀琀栀攀爀 琀栀愀渀 ਀琀栀攀 愀戀椀氀椀琀礀 琀漀 瀀攀爀猀椀猀琀㼀 匀漀甀琀栀攀爀渀 爀愀挀椀猀琀 匀琀爀漀洀 吀栀甀爀洀漀渀搀 眀愀猀 琀栀攀 氀漀渀最攀猀琀ⴀ猀攀爀瘀椀渀最 洀攀洀戀攀爀 漀昀 琀栀攀 唀渀椀琀攀搀 匀琀愀琀攀猀 匀攀渀愀琀攀⸀ 䤀 搀漀渀✀琀 琀栀椀渀欀 琀栀愀琀 洀愀渀礀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀猀 ਀眀漀甀氀搀 猀愀礀 琀栀愀琀 栀椀最栀 氀攀瘀攀氀 漀昀 攀砀瀀攀爀椀攀渀挀攀 洀愀搀攀 匀攀渀愀琀漀爀 吀栀甀爀洀漀渀搀 眀攀氀氀 焀甀愀氀椀昀椀攀搀 昀漀爀 琀栀攀 瀀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀挀礀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀吀栀愀渀欀猀 琀漀 䈀愀爀愀挀欀 伀戀愀洀愀 昀漀爀 瀀爀漀瘀椀搀椀渀最 愀 戀氀甀渀琀 爀攀洀椀渀搀攀爀 琀栀愀琀 焀甀愀氀椀昀椀挀愀琀椀漀渀 昀漀爀 琀栀攀 倀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀挀礀Ⰰ 椀猀 愀 洀愀琀琀攀爀 漀昀 焀甀愀氀椀琀礀Ⰰ 渀漀琀 漀昀 焀甀愀渀琀椀琀礀⸀  ⠀匀漀甀爀挀攀㨀 䄀䈀䌀 ਀一攀眀猀Ⰰ 䄀甀最甀猀琀 ㄀㤀Ⰰ ㈀  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 㜀㬀 䬀甀挀椀渀椀挀栀 昀漀爀 ਀倀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀 挀愀洀瀀愀椀最渀 瀀爀攀猀猀 爀攀氀攀愀猀攀Ⰰ 䄀甀最甀猀琀 ㄀㘀Ⰰ ㈀  㜀⤀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀氀椀㸀吀栀攀 渀攀眀 眀漀爀搀 昀爀漀洀 琀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 倀愀爀琀礀 氀攀愀搀攀爀猀栀椀瀀 椀渀 䌀漀渀最爀攀猀猀 椀猀 琀栀愀琀 琀栀攀爀攀✀猀 愀 渀攀眀 最漀愀氀 昀漀爀 䤀爀愀焀㨀 一漀琀 愀渀 攀渀搀 琀漀 琀栀攀 䄀洀攀爀椀挀愀渀 瀀爀攀猀攀渀挀攀 椀渀 䤀爀愀焀Ⰰ 戀甀琀 樀甀猀琀 ਀愀 猀甀戀琀氀攀 挀栀愀渀最攀 椀渀 洀椀猀猀椀漀渀⸀ ਀㰀瀀㸀刀攀洀攀洀戀攀爀 戀愀挀欀 琀漀 ㈀  㘀Ⰰ 眀栀攀渀 琀栀攀 瀀爀漀洀椀猀攀 眀愀猀 琀栀愀琀 椀昀 琀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀猀 眀攀爀攀 攀氀攀挀琀攀搀 琀漀 愀 洀愀樀漀爀椀琀礀 挀漀渀琀爀漀氀 椀渀 䌀漀渀最爀攀猀猀Ⰰ 琀栀攀 䤀爀愀焀 圀愀爀 眀漀甀氀搀 攀渀搀㼀 ਀刀攀洀攀洀戀攀爀 戀愀挀欀 樀甀猀琀 琀漀 䨀甀氀礀 ㈀  㜀Ⰰ 眀栀攀渀 眀攀 眀攀爀攀 愀氀氀 琀漀氀搀 琀栀愀琀 琀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 瘀漀琀攀猀 愀最愀椀渀猀琀 猀攀琀琀椀渀最 愀 琀椀洀攀琀愀戀氀攀 昀漀爀 琀栀攀 攀渀搀 漀昀 琀栀攀 漀挀挀甀瀀愀琀椀漀渀 眀愀猀 樀甀猀琀 愀 琀愀挀琀椀挀愀氀 ਀洀愀渀攀甀瘀攀爀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 琀栀愀琀 眀攀 搀椀搀渀✀琀 栀愀瘀攀 琀漀 眀漀爀爀礀 戀攀挀愀甀猀攀 琀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀猀 眀漀甀氀搀 栀漀氀搀 䜀攀漀爀最攀 圀⸀ 䈀甀猀栀 愀挀挀漀甀渀琀愀戀氀攀 椀渀 匀攀瀀琀攀洀戀攀爀 ㈀  㜀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 攀渀搀 琀栀攀 洀攀猀猀 椀渀 䤀爀愀焀 ਀琀栀攀渀㼀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀䤀琀 眀愀猀 愀氀氀 愀 氀漀愀搀 漀昀 戀甀氀氀⸀ 吀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 氀攀愀搀攀爀猀栀椀瀀 眀愀猀 樀甀猀琀 猀瀀椀渀渀椀渀最 愀渀 攀砀挀甀猀攀 昀漀爀 椀琀猀 愀搀漀瀀琀椀漀渀 漀昀 愀 瀀爀漀ⴀ眀愀爀 愀最攀渀搀愀 氀椀欀攀 琀栀愀琀 漀昀 琀栀攀 刀攀瀀甀戀氀椀挀愀渀猀⸀ 一漀眀Ⰰ ਀眀攀✀爀攀 栀攀愀爀椀渀最 漀渀挀攀 愀最愀椀渀 琀栀攀 猀愀洀攀 琀椀爀攀搀 樀甀猀琀椀昀椀挀愀琀椀漀渀猀 琀栀愀琀 眀攀 栀攀愀爀搀 昀爀漀洀 琀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀猀 氀椀欀攀 䠀椀氀氀愀爀礀 䌀氀椀渀琀漀渀Ⰰ 䨀漀猀攀瀀栀 䈀椀搀攀渀Ⰰ 䨀漀栀渀 䔀搀眀愀爀搀猀 愀渀搀 䌀栀爀椀猀 䐀漀搀搀 ਀眀栀漀 瘀漀琀攀搀 琀漀 栀攀氀瀀 䜀攀漀爀最攀 圀⸀ 䈀甀猀栀 猀琀愀爀琀 琀栀攀 䤀爀愀焀 圀愀爀 戀愀挀欀 椀渀 琀栀攀 礀攀愀爀 ㈀  ㈀㨀 吀栀愀琀 椀昀 琀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀猀 搀漀渀✀琀 最漀 愀氀漀渀最 眀椀琀栀 琀栀攀 刀攀瀀甀戀氀椀挀愀渀猀 樀甀猀琀 琀栀椀猀 漀渀攀 琀椀洀攀Ⰰ 琀栀攀 ਀䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀猀 眀椀氀氀 氀漀猀攀 琀栀攀 渀攀砀琀 攀氀攀挀琀椀漀渀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀伀渀攀 挀愀瀀椀琀甀氀愀琀椀漀渀 琀漀 琀栀攀 刀攀瀀甀戀氀椀挀愀渀猀Ⰰ 琀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀猀 琀漀氀搀 甀猀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 琀栀攀渀 眀攀✀氀氀 戀攀 椀渀 愀 瀀漀猀椀琀椀漀渀 琀漀 戀攀 猀琀爀漀渀最⸀ 吀栀攀 瀀爀漀戀氀攀洀 眀愀猀 琀栀愀琀 漀渀攀 挀愀瀀椀琀甀氀愀琀椀漀渀 氀攀搀 琀漀 ਀愀渀漀琀栀攀爀 愀渀搀 愀渀漀琀栀攀爀 愀渀搀 愀渀漀琀栀攀爀Ⰰ 甀渀琀椀氀 眀攀 最攀琀 琀漀 匀攀瀀琀攀洀戀攀爀Ⰰ ㈀  㜀Ⰰ 愀氀洀漀猀琀 昀椀瘀攀 礀攀愀爀猀 椀渀琀漀 琀栀攀 搀椀猀愀猀琀爀漀甀猀 洀椀氀椀琀愀爀礀 漀挀挀甀瀀愀琀椀漀渀 漀昀 䤀爀愀焀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 琀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀猀 椀渀 ਀䌀漀渀最爀攀猀猀 猀琀椀氀氀 栀愀瘀攀渀✀琀 洀愀渀愀最攀搀 琀漀 愀挀琀甀愀氀氀礀 漀瀀瀀漀猀攀 琀栀攀 䈀甀猀栀 瀀漀氀椀挀礀⸀ 吀栀攀礀 漀渀氀礀 眀栀椀渀攀 愀戀漀甀琀 椀琀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 琀栀攀渀 搀漀 渀漀琀栀椀渀最⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀吀栀攀爀攀 愀爀攀 愀 昀攀眀 最漀漀搀 愀渀琀椀眀愀爀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀猀Ⰰ 戀甀琀 琀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 倀愀爀琀礀 椀猀 戀礀 渀漀 洀攀愀渀猀 愀渀 愀渀琀椀眀愀爀 瀀愀爀琀礀⸀ 䤀渀 ㈀  㠀Ⰰ 眀攀 栀愀瘀攀 琀栀攀 挀栀愀渀挀攀 琀漀 挀栀愀渀最攀 琀栀愀琀Ⰰ 戀礀 ਀攀氀攀挀琀椀渀最 愀 最攀渀甀椀渀攀 愀渀琀椀眀愀爀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀 愀猀 倀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀⸀ 䤀昀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 瘀漀琀攀爀猀 昀愀椀氀 椀渀 琀栀愀琀 琀愀猀欀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 攀氀攀挀琀 愀 瀀爀漀ⴀ眀愀爀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀 愀猀 眀攀氀氀Ⰰ 琀栀攀渀 琀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 瘀漀琀攀爀猀 ਀眀椀氀氀 猀栀愀爀攀 椀渀 琀栀攀 戀氀愀洀攀 戀礀 猀栀愀爀椀渀最 椀渀 琀栀攀 挀愀瀀椀琀甀氀愀琀椀漀渀⸀  ⠀匀漀甀爀挀攀㨀 圀愀猀栀椀渀最琀漀渀 倀漀猀琀Ⰰ 圀栀椀琀攀 䠀漀甀猀攀 圀愀琀挀栀Ⰰ 匀攀瀀琀攀洀戀攀爀 㜀Ⰰ ㈀  㜀⤀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀氀椀㸀䐀愀渀 䈀愀氀稀 眀爀椀琀攀猀㨀 ਀㰀瀀㸀㰀椀㸀∀圀栀愀琀 搀漀 琀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀猀 猀琀愀渀搀 昀漀爀㼀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀吀栀椀猀 椀猀 愀 焀甀攀猀琀椀漀渀 琀栀愀琀 昀爀甀猀琀爀愀琀攀猀 洀愀渀礀 椀渀 琀栀攀 瀀愀爀琀礀   愀挀琀椀瘀椀猀琀猀 愀渀搀 攀氀攀挀琀攀搀 漀昀昀椀挀椀愀氀猀 愀氀椀欀攀⸀ 吀栀攀礀 猀攀攀 琀栀攀 刀攀瀀甀戀氀椀挀愀渀 倀愀爀琀礀 昀氀漀甀渀搀攀爀椀渀最 愀渀搀 搀椀瘀椀搀攀搀 漀瘀攀爀 愀 ਀瀀漀猀琀ⴀ䈀甀猀栀 最漀瘀攀爀渀椀渀最 戀氀甀攀瀀爀椀渀琀 愀渀搀 眀漀渀搀攀爀 眀栀礀 琀栀攀 昀漀挀甀猀 猀漀 漀昀琀攀渀 琀甀爀渀猀 琀漀 眀栀攀琀栀攀爀 琀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀猀 栀愀瘀攀 愀 挀漀栀攀爀攀渀琀 瀀栀椀氀漀猀漀瀀栀礀 愀渀搀 愀 猀攀琀 漀昀 椀搀攀愀猀 琀漀 ਀洀愀琀挀栀⸀∀㰀⼀椀㸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀䤀 猀攀攀⸀ 吀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀猀 渀攀攀搀 愀 最漀漀搀 挀漀渀琀攀渀琀 瀀爀漀瘀椀搀攀爀⸀ 圀攀氀氀 栀攀礀Ⰰ 䤀✀瘀攀 最漀琀 愀渀 椀搀攀愀 昀漀爀 愀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 倀愀爀琀礀 倀氀愀琀昀漀爀洀⸀ 䤀琀✀猀 最漀琀 愀 戀椀最 挀攀渀琀爀愀氀 漀爀椀攀渀琀椀渀最 琀栀攀洀攀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 ਀椀琀✀猀 猀椀洀瀀氀攀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 挀愀琀挀栀礀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 最漀漀搀 倀刀 猀琀甀昀昀 氀椀欀攀 琀栀愀琀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀䠀攀爀攀 最漀攀猀㨀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀䤀 搀漀 猀漀氀攀洀渀氀礀 猀眀攀愀爀 琀栀愀琀 䤀 眀椀氀氀 琀漀 琀栀攀 戀攀猀琀 漀昀 洀礀 愀戀椀氀椀琀礀Ⰰ 瀀爀攀猀攀爀瘀攀Ⰰ 瀀爀漀琀攀挀琀 愀渀搀 搀攀昀攀渀搀 琀栀攀 䌀漀渀猀琀椀琀甀琀椀漀渀 漀昀 琀栀攀 唀渀椀琀攀搀 匀琀愀琀攀猀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀䤀 欀渀漀眀Ⰰ 椀琀✀猀 欀椀渀搀愀 渀甀琀琀礀 愀渀搀 攀搀最礀 琀栀攀猀攀 搀愀礀猀 琀漀 愀挀琀甀愀氀氀礀 猀愀礀 愀渀搀 洀攀愀渀 猀甀挀栀 眀漀爀搀猀⸀ 䈀甀琀 猀漀洀攀琀椀洀攀猀 瀀攀漀瀀氀攀 氀椀欀攀 渀甀琀琀礀⸀ 䰀椀欀攀 䠀攀爀戀椀攀 琀栀攀 䰀漀瘀攀 䈀甀最⸀ 倀攀漀瀀氀攀 ਀眀攀渀琀 挀爀愀稀礀 昀漀爀 琀栀愀琀 椀渀 琀栀攀 ㄀㤀㜀 猀℀ 䄀渀搀 琀栀愀琀 ∀圀栀攀爀攀✀猀 琀栀攀 䈀攀攀昀㼀∀ 氀愀搀礀⸀ 䄀渀搀 琀栀攀 䴀愀挀愀爀攀渀愀⸀ 倀氀甀猀Ⰰ 椀琀 栀愀猀 琀栀愀琀 爀攀琀爀漀 琀栀椀渀最 最漀椀渀最 漀渀 琀栀愀琀 愀搀搀猀 猀漀洀攀 愀瀀瀀攀愀氀⸀ 匀漀 洀愀礀戀攀 ਀琀栀椀猀 挀漀甀氀搀 眀漀爀欀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀氀椀㸀䤀✀瘀攀 戀攀攀渀 最攀琀琀椀渀最 愀 氀椀琀琀氀攀 猀渀椀搀攀 氀愀琀攀氀礀⸀ 䤀 搀漀渀✀琀 洀攀愀渀 猀渀愀爀欀礀 漀爀 猀栀愀爀瀀Ⰰ 爀甀搀攀 漀爀 愀渀最爀礀㬀 䤀 栀愀瘀攀 渀漀 瀀爀漀戀氀攀洀 眀椀琀栀 戀攀椀渀最 愀渀礀 漀昀 琀栀漀猀攀⸀ 䤀 洀攀愀渀 洀攀愀渀Ⰰ 爀攀猀攀渀琀昀甀氀 ਀愀渀搀 猀渀椀瀀瀀礀 琀漀眀愀爀搀 瀀攀漀瀀氀攀 眀栀漀 樀甀猀琀 最攀琀 椀渀 洀礀 眀愀礀⸀ ਀㰀瀀㸀夀漀甀 猀攀攀Ⰰ 䤀✀瘀攀 戀攀攀渀 最攀琀琀椀渀最 欀椀渀搀 漀昀 昀爀甀猀琀爀愀琀攀搀⸀ 䤀✀洀 昀爀甀猀琀爀愀琀攀搀 戀攀挀愀甀猀攀 琀栀攀 爀椀挀栀 挀漀渀琀椀渀甀攀 琀漀 最攀琀 爀椀挀栀攀爀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 琀栀攀 爀攀猀琀 漀昀 甀猀 愀爀攀渀✀琀 最攀琀琀椀渀最 愀渀礀眀栀攀爀攀 昀愀猀琀⸀ 䤀✀洀 ਀琀椀爀攀搀 漀昀 眀漀爀爀礀椀渀最 愀戀漀甀琀 眀栀攀琀栀攀爀 洀礀 昀愀洀椀氀礀✀猀 戀愀渀欀 戀愀氀愀渀挀攀 眀椀氀氀 最攀琀 甀猀 琀漀 琀栀攀 攀渀搀 漀昀 琀栀攀 洀漀渀琀栀 眀椀琀栀漀甀琀 愀 氀愀琀攀 瀀愀礀洀攀渀琀 漀爀 愀 戀漀甀渀挀攀搀 挀栀攀挀欀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 䤀 欀渀漀眀 䤀✀洀 ਀渀漀琀 愀氀漀渀攀Ⰰ 戀攀挀愀甀猀攀 䤀 氀漀漀欀 愀爀漀甀渀搀 洀攀 愀渀搀 䤀 猀攀攀 瀀攀漀瀀氀攀 挀甀琀琀椀渀最 漀甀琀 琀栀攀 昀愀琀 椀渀 琀栀攀椀爀 戀甀搀最攀琀猀Ⰰ 琀爀椀洀洀椀渀最 搀漀眀渀 琀漀 渀攀挀攀猀猀椀琀椀攀猀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 猀琀椀氀氀 眀愀氀欀椀渀最 愀爀漀甀渀搀 眀椀琀栀 琀栀愀琀 ਀琀椀最栀琀 氀漀漀欀 漀昀 攀砀栀愀甀猀琀椀漀渀 愀渀搀 搀攀猀瀀攀爀愀琀椀漀渀⸀ 䰀愀猀琀 眀攀攀欀 䤀 昀漀氀氀漀眀攀搀 洀礀 最氀攀攀昀甀氀氀礀 氀漀瀀椀渀最 瀀爀攀猀挀栀漀漀氀攀爀 椀渀琀漀 愀 匀愀欀猀 䘀椀昀琀栀 䄀瘀攀渀甀攀 昀漀爀 琀栀攀 昀椀爀猀琀 琀椀洀攀 椀渀 洀礀 氀椀昀攀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 䤀 ਀欀渀攀眀 椀琀 眀愀猀 愀 洀椀猀琀愀欀攀 昀爀漀洀 琀栀攀 洀漀洀攀渀琀 䤀 猀琀攀瀀瀀攀搀 昀漀漀琀 椀渀 琀栀攀爀攀 愀渀搀 䤀 昀攀氀琀 琀栀攀 攀礀攀猀 漀昀 琀栀攀 猀愀氀攀猀 猀琀愀昀昀 漀渀 洀礀 甀渀瀀爀攀猀猀攀搀 挀氀漀琀栀攀猀⸀ 䈀甀琀 䤀 挀漀甀氀搀渀✀琀 栀攀氀瀀 氀漀漀欀椀渀最⸀ 䐀漀 ਀礀漀甀 欀渀漀眀 栀漀眀 洀甀挀栀 琀栀攀礀✀爀攀 挀栀愀爀最椀渀最 昀漀爀 愀 洀攀渀✀猀 搀椀渀渀攀爀 樀愀挀欀攀琀㼀 ␀㐀Ⰰ   ℀ 吀栀攀椀爀 琀爀攀渀挀栀挀漀愀琀猀 愀爀攀 琀栀椀爀琀攀攀渀 栀甀渀搀爀攀搀 戀甀挀欀猀 愀 猀栀漀琀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 礀漀甀 挀愀渀 最攀琀 愀 瀀愀椀爀 ਀漀昀 ∀搀椀猀琀爀攀猀猀攀搀∀ 樀攀愀渀猀 昀漀爀 ␀㜀  ⸀ 䜀漀漀搀 䜀漀搀⸀ 䌀氀攀愀爀氀礀Ⰰ 琀栀攀爀攀 洀甀猀琀 戀攀 瀀攀漀瀀氀攀 眀栀漀 猀栀漀瘀攀氀 琀栀椀猀 欀椀渀搀 漀昀 挀愀猀栀 漀甀琀 昀漀爀 琀栀攀椀爀 眀愀爀搀爀漀戀攀Ⰰ 戀攀挀愀甀猀攀 猀漀洀攀戀漀搀礀✀猀 猀攀氀氀椀渀最 椀琀⸀ ਀䈀甀琀 椀猀 琀栀愀琀 礀漀甀㼀 吀栀攀 猀琀愀琀椀猀琀椀挀猀 琀攀氀氀 洀攀 椀琀✀猀 渀漀琀 礀漀甀⸀ 䤀琀✀猀 渀漀琀 礀漀甀 漀爀 礀漀甀 漀爀 礀漀甀Ⰰ 攀椀琀栀攀爀⸀ 䤀琀✀猀 猀漀洀攀漀渀攀 眀椀琀栀 愀 氀漀琀 漀昀 眀攀愀氀琀栀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 琀栀愀琀 猀漀洀攀漀渀攀 栀愀猀 戀攀攀渀 最爀愀戀戀椀渀最 愀 ਀戀椀最最攀爀 愀渀搀 戀椀最最攀爀 猀栀愀爀攀 漀昀 琀栀攀 眀攀愀氀琀栀 氀愀琀攀氀礀⸀ 圀栀椀氀攀 愀 氀漀琀 漀昀 瀀攀漀瀀氀攀 愀爀攀 猀琀爀甀最最氀椀渀最Ⰰ 愀 昀攀眀 瀀攀漀瀀氀攀 愀爀攀 猀漀 搀攀攀瀀 椀渀 琀栀攀 搀漀甀最栀 琀栀愀琀 琀栀攀礀 挀愀渀✀琀 琀栀椀渀欀 漀昀 愀渀礀 眀愀礀 琀漀 ਀戀攀琀琀攀爀 猀瀀攀渀搀 琀栀攀椀爀 洀漀渀攀礀 琀栀愀渀 漀渀 愀 ␀㜀   瀀愀椀爀 漀昀 樀攀愀渀猀 洀愀搀攀 琀漀 氀漀漀欀 氀椀欀攀 ∀搀椀猀琀爀攀猀猀攀搀∀ 愀渀搀 愀 ␀㐀Ⰰ    搀椀渀渀攀爀 樀愀挀欀攀琀⸀ 圀栀愀琀 欀椀渀搀 漀昀 搀椀渀渀攀爀猀 搀漀 琀栀攀猀攀 瀀攀漀瀀氀攀 愀琀琀攀渀搀㼀 ਀䐀漀渀✀琀 琀攀氀氀 洀攀 琀栀攀 洀漀渀攀礀 琀栀攀猀攀 瀀攀漀瀀氀攀 栀愀瘀攀 椀猀 椀渀 瀀爀漀瀀漀爀琀椀漀渀 琀漀 栀漀眀 栀愀爀搀 琀栀攀礀 眀漀爀欀 昀漀爀 椀琀⸀ 䐀漀渀✀琀 琀攀氀氀 琀栀攀 最甀礀 眀栀漀 眀愀猀栀攀猀 琀栀攀椀爀 搀椀猀栀攀猀 愀氀氀 搀愀礀 愀琀 琀栀攀 爀攀猀琀愀甀爀愀渀琀 ਀琀栀愀琀⸀ 䐀漀渀✀琀 琀攀氀氀 愀 猀甀爀最椀挀愀氀 椀渀琀攀渀猀椀瘀攀 挀愀爀攀 渀甀爀猀攀 琀栀愀琀⸀ 䐀漀渀✀琀 琀攀氀氀 琀栀攀椀爀 椀氀氀攀最愀氀 椀洀洀椀最爀愀渀琀 最愀爀搀攀渀攀爀猀 琀栀愀琀⸀ 䤀✀洀 琀椀爀攀搀 漀昀 爀甀渀渀椀渀最 樀甀猀琀 琀漀 欀攀攀瀀 攀瘀攀渀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 䤀 挀愀渀 猀攀攀 椀琀 ਀攀氀猀攀眀栀攀爀攀Ⰰ 䤀 栀攀愀爀 椀琀 攀氀猀攀眀栀攀爀攀Ⰰ 䤀 爀攀愀搀 椀琀 攀氀猀攀眀栀攀爀攀Ⰰ 愀 氀漀琀 漀昀 礀漀甀 愀爀攀 爀甀渀渀椀渀最 礀漀甀爀猀攀氀瘀攀猀 爀愀最最攀搀 琀漀漀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 椀琀 猀攀攀洀猀 琀漀 樀甀猀琀 戀攀 最攀琀琀椀渀最 琀椀最栀琀攀爀 愀渀搀 琀椀最栀琀攀爀⸀ 䨀甀猀琀 愀 ਀氀椀琀琀氀攀 瀀甀猀栀 洀漀爀攀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 礀漀甀✀爀攀 最漀椀渀最 琀漀 栀攀愀爀 琀栀椀猀 猀漀甀渀搀 眀椀琀栀漀甀琀 搀椀爀攀挀琀椀漀渀 漀昀 琀攀渀 洀椀氀氀椀漀渀 瀀椀最最礀戀愀渀欀猀 戀爀攀愀欀椀渀最Ⰰ 愀氀氀 愀琀 漀渀挀攀⸀ 夀漀甀 欀渀漀眀Ⰰ 椀琀 最攀琀猀 洀攀 琀椀爀攀搀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 眀栀攀渀 ਀䤀 最攀琀 琀椀爀攀搀 䤀 最攀琀 猀琀爀攀猀猀攀搀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 眀栀攀渀 䤀 最攀琀 猀琀爀攀猀猀攀搀 䤀 最攀琀 愀渀最爀礀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 眀栀攀渀 䤀 最攀琀 愀渀最爀礀 䤀 挀愀渀 栀漀氀搀 椀琀 椀渀 昀漀爀 愀 眀栀椀氀攀Ⰰ 戀甀琀 眀栀攀渀 䤀 最攀琀 愀渀最爀礀 攀渀漀甀最栀 愀渀搀 猀漀洀攀戀漀搀礀 ਀猀琀攀瀀猀 椀渀 洀礀 瀀愀琀栀 愀渀搀 猀愀礀猀 猀漀洀攀 氀椀琀琀氀攀 琀栀椀渀最 琀栀愀琀 愀渀渀漀礀猀 洀攀 漀爀 攀瘀攀渀 樀甀猀琀 洀愀欀攀猀 洀攀 瀀愀甀猀攀 琀漀 猀瀀攀渀搀 愀 洀椀渀甀琀攀 琀漀 爀攀猀瀀漀渀搀Ⰰ 䤀 氀攀琀 氀漀漀猀攀 猀漀洀攀 欀椀渀搀 漀昀 猀渀椀搀攀 爀攀洀愀爀欀⸀ ਀圀栀礀㼀 䨀甀猀琀 戀攀挀愀甀猀攀 猀栀攀 漀爀 栀攀 椀猀 琀栀攀爀攀Ⰰ 瀀爀攀猀攀渀琀Ⰰ 爀椀最栀琀 椀渀 昀爀漀渀琀 漀昀 洀攀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀吀栀攀 琀栀椀渀最 椀猀Ⰰ 眀栀愀琀 爀攀愀氀氀礀 最攀琀猀 洀攀 愀渀最爀礀Ⰰ 搀攀攀瀀 搀漀眀渀 愀渀最爀礀Ⰰ 椀猀渀✀琀 椀渀 昀爀漀渀琀 漀昀 洀攀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 椀琀 渀攀瘀攀爀 猀攀攀猀 琀栀攀 戀爀甀渀琀 漀昀 洀礀 昀甀爀礀⸀ 䤀✀洀 渀漀琀 琀愀氀欀椀渀最 愀戀漀甀琀 琀栀攀 爀椀挀栀⸀ 䤀 ਀搀漀渀✀琀 甀渀搀攀爀猀琀愀渀搀 昀椀氀琀栀礀 爀椀挀栀 瀀攀漀瀀氀攀Ⰰ 䤀 搀漀渀✀琀 最攀琀 琀栀攀 ␀㐀Ⰰ    搀椀渀渀攀爀 樀愀挀欀攀琀猀 愀渀搀 琀栀攀 ␀㄀㌀   琀爀攀渀挀栀挀漀愀琀猀Ⰰ 戀甀琀 甀渀搀攀爀猀琀愀渀搀 琀栀愀琀 䤀✀洀 渀漀琀 琀愀氀欀椀渀最 愀戀漀甀琀 琀栀攀 爀椀挀栀 眀栀攀渀 ਀䤀✀洀 琀愀氀欀椀渀最 愀戀漀甀琀 眀栀愀琀 爀攀愀氀氀礀 最攀琀猀 洀攀 最漀椀渀最⸀ 圀栀愀琀 爀攀愀氀氀礀 最攀琀猀 洀攀 最漀椀渀最 椀猀 眀栀愀琀 琀栀攀猀攀 瀀攀漀瀀氀攀 搀漀⸀ 一漀琀 眀栀愀琀 琀栀攀 猀椀洀瀀氀礀 挀漀洀昀漀爀琀愀戀氀攀 搀漀Ⰰ 渀漀琀 眀栀愀琀 琀栀攀 ਀猀琀爀愀椀最栀琀昀漀爀眀愀爀搀氀礀 爀椀挀栀 瀀攀漀瀀氀攀 搀漀Ⰰ 戀甀琀 眀栀愀琀 琀栀攀猀攀 昀椀氀琀栀礀Ⰰ 搀椀猀最甀猀琀椀渀最氀礀Ⰰ 漀戀猀挀攀渀攀氀礀 爀椀挀栀 瀀攀漀瀀氀攀 搀漀⸀ 䤀✀洀 琀愀氀欀椀渀最 愀戀漀甀琀 琀栀攀 瀀攀漀瀀氀攀 眀栀漀 琀栀攀 一攀眀 夀漀爀欀 吀椀洀攀猀 昀爀攀琀猀 ਀漀瘀攀爀 椀渀 椀琀猀 攀氀椀琀猀琀 眀愀礀 昀漀爀 渀漀琀 戀攀椀渀最 愀戀氀攀 琀漀 猀攀氀氀 琀栀攀椀爀 ␀㐀㠀 洀椀氀氀椀漀渀 洀愀渀猀椀漀渀猀 昀漀爀 琀栀攀 瀀爀漀昀椀琀 琀栀攀礀 昀攀攀氀 琀栀攀礀 搀攀猀攀爀瘀攀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀䄀渀搀 椀琀✀猀 渀漀琀 琀栀攀椀爀 漀戀猀挀攀渀攀 爀椀挀栀渀攀猀猀 琀栀愀琀 最攀琀猀 洀攀 爀椀氀攀搀 甀瀀⸀ 䤀琀✀猀 渀漀琀 琀栀攀椀爀 爀漀琀甀渀搀 眀攀愀氀琀栀⸀ 䤀琀✀猀 眀栀愀琀 琀栀攀礀✀爀攀 搀漀椀渀最 眀椀琀栀 椀琀⸀ 吀栀攀 渀愀琀椀漀渀 最漀琀 愀 猀渀攀愀欀 瀀攀攀欀 眀栀攀渀 椀琀 ਀眀愀猀 爀攀瘀攀愀氀攀搀 琀栀愀琀 漀渀攀 漀昀 琀栀攀椀爀 氀愀挀欀攀礀猀Ⰰ 一漀爀洀愀渀 䠀猀甀Ⰰ 栀愀搀 愀猀猀攀洀戀氀攀搀 ␀㠀㔀 Ⰰ   ⸀   椀渀 搀漀渀愀琀椀漀渀猀 琀漀 琀栀攀 瀀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀椀愀氀 挀愀洀瀀愀椀最渀 漀昀 䠀椀氀氀愀爀礀 䌀氀椀渀琀漀渀Ⰰ ␀㠀㔀 Ⰰ   ⸀   琀栀愀琀 ਀琀栀攀 䌀氀椀渀琀漀渀 挀愀洀瀀愀椀最渀 搀椀瘀攀猀琀攀搀 椀琀猀攀氀昀 漀昀 眀栀攀渀 䠀猀甀✀猀 昀愀氀氀 昀爀漀洀 最爀愀挀攀 戀攀挀愀洀攀 瀀甀戀氀椀挀⸀ 吀栀椀猀 眀愀猀渀✀琀 一漀爀洀愀渀 䠀猀甀✀猀 洀漀渀攀礀⸀ 一漀爀洀愀渀 䠀猀甀Ⰰ 礀漀甀 猀栀漀甀氀搀 甀渀搀攀爀猀琀愀渀搀Ⰰ ਀椀猀 渀漀琀 漀渀攀 漀昀 琀栀攀 洀攀最愀爀椀挀栀⸀ 䠀猀甀 椀猀 猀椀洀瀀氀礀 愀 昀椀最甀爀攀 眀栀漀 瀀漀爀琀爀愀礀攀搀 栀椀洀猀攀氀昀 愀猀 瀀漀眀攀爀 戀爀漀欀攀爀 眀椀琀栀 琀栀攀 瀀漀氀椀琀椀挀愀氀 瀀漀眀攀爀猀 琀栀愀琀 戀攀⸀ 䠀椀猀 樀漀戀 眀愀猀 琀漀 挀漀氀氀攀挀琀 搀漀渀愀琀椀漀渀猀 ਀昀爀漀洀 琀栀攀 栀甀最攀氀礀 爀椀挀栀Ⰰ 挀漀洀戀椀渀攀 琀栀攀洀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 漀昀昀攀爀 琀栀攀洀 漀渀 愀 猀椀氀瘀攀爀 瀀氀愀琀琀攀爀 琀漀 瀀漀氀椀琀椀挀椀愀渀猀 氀椀欀攀 䠀椀氀氀愀爀礀 䌀氀椀渀琀漀渀Ⰰ 戀甀琀 戀礀 渀漀 洀攀愀渀猀 氀椀洀椀琀攀搀 琀漀 䠀椀氀氀愀爀礀 䌀氀椀渀琀漀渀Ⰰ 漀栀 ਀渀漀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀䈀甀琀 氀攀琀✀猀 瀀愀甀猀攀 昀漀爀 愀 洀漀洀攀渀琀 愀渀搀 挀漀渀猀椀搀攀爀 眀栀愀琀 琀栀愀琀 昀椀最甀爀攀 漀昀 ␀㠀㔀 Ⰰ   ⸀   爀攀瀀爀攀猀攀渀琀猀⸀ 吀栀愀琀✀猀 洀漀爀攀 琀栀愀渀 ㄀ 瀀攀爀挀攀渀琀 漀昀 愀氀氀 漀昀 琀栀攀 ␀㘀㌀ 洀椀氀氀椀漀渀 椀渀 搀漀渀愀琀椀漀渀猀 琀栀愀琀 ਀䠀椀氀氀愀爀礀 䌀氀椀渀琀漀渀 栀愀猀 爀攀挀攀椀瘀攀搀 愀猀 愀 瀀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀椀愀氀 挀愀渀搀椀搀愀琀攀 搀甀爀椀渀最 琀栀攀 攀渀琀椀爀攀 ㈀  㠀 攀氀攀挀琀椀漀渀 挀礀挀氀攀 猀漀 昀愀爀⸀ 一漀 漀渀攀 瀀攀爀猀漀渀Ⰰ 眀栀攀琀栀攀爀 爀攀瀀爀攀猀攀渀琀椀渀最 栀椀洀猀攀氀昀 漀爀 愀 挀氀愀猀猀 漀昀 ਀洀漀渀攀礀攀搀 椀渀琀攀爀攀猀琀猀Ⰰ 猀栀漀甀氀搀 戀攀 愀戀氀攀 琀漀 漀眀渀 洀漀爀攀 琀栀愀渀 ㄀ 瀀攀爀挀攀渀琀 漀昀 愀 瀀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀椀愀氀 挀愀渀搀椀搀愀琀攀⸀ 䈀甀琀 一漀爀洀愀渀 䠀猀甀 搀椀搀⸀ 䄀渀搀 栀攀✀猀 樀甀猀琀 琀栀攀 氀椀琀琀氀攀 戀甀渀搀氀攀爀 琀栀愀琀 挀漀甀氀搀渀✀琀⸀ ਀䠀攀✀猀 樀甀猀琀 琀栀攀 猀挀栀洀甀挀欀 眀栀漀 最漀琀 挀愀甀最栀琀 椀渀 琀栀攀 攀渀搀⸀ 䠀漀眀 洀甀挀栀 漀昀 琀栀攀 䠀椀氀氀愀爀礀 䌀氀椀渀琀漀渀 挀愀渀搀椀搀愀挀礀 椀猀 漀眀渀攀搀㼀 䈀礀 眀栀漀洀㼀 夀漀甀 欀渀漀眀 戀礀 眀栀漀洀   椀琀✀猀 戀礀 琀栀攀 猀愀洀攀 ਀瀀攀漀瀀氀攀 眀栀漀 愀爀攀 猀瀀攀渀搀椀渀最 ␀㐀Ⰰ    漀渀 愀 搀椀渀渀攀爀 樀愀挀欀攀琀 愀渀搀 ␀㜀   昀漀爀 愀 瀀愀椀爀 漀昀 樀攀愀渀猀 琀栀愀琀 猀漀洀攀漀渀攀 攀氀猀攀 爀椀瀀瀀攀搀 甀瀀 昀漀爀 琀栀攀椀爀 欀椀搀猀⸀ 䐀漀 礀漀甀 琀栀椀渀欀 椀琀✀猀 樀甀猀琀 䠀椀氀氀愀爀礀 ਀䌀氀椀渀琀漀渀㼀 䤀琀✀猀 渀漀琀   戀甀琀 琀栀愀渀欀猀 琀漀 琀栀攀 搀漀渀愀琀椀漀渀猀 最椀瘀攀渀 椀渀 琀栀攀猀攀 戀甀渀搀氀攀猀 椀渀 栀甀最攀 愀洀漀甀渀琀猀Ⰰ 琀栀攀 挀攀渀琀爀愀氀 瀀漀椀渀琀 椀猀 琀栀愀琀 愀渀礀 瀀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀椀愀氀 挀愀渀搀椀搀愀琀攀 眀栀漀 椀猀 最漀椀渀最 琀漀 ਀猀甀挀挀攀攀搀 椀猀 最漀椀渀最 琀漀 栀愀瘀攀 琀漀 琀愀欀攀 挀愀猀栀 椀渀 戀甀渀搀氀攀猀 昀爀漀洀 礀漀甀ⴀ欀渀漀眀ⴀ眀栀漀⸀ 䠀椀氀氀愀爀礀 䌀氀椀渀琀漀渀 椀猀 渀漀琀 琀栀攀 瀀漀椀渀琀 栀攀爀攀⸀ 吀栀攀 瀀漀椀渀琀 椀猀 琀栀愀琀 渀漀 洀愀琀琀攀爀 眀栀椀挀栀 挀愀渀搀椀搀愀琀攀 眀椀渀猀Ⰰ ਀琀栀攀 ␀㐀Ⰰ    搀椀渀渀攀爀 樀愀挀欀攀琀 瀀攀漀瀀氀攀 愀爀攀 最漀椀渀最 琀漀 眀椀渀⸀ 䤀琀 洀愀欀攀猀 洀攀 昀甀爀椀漀甀猀 琀栀愀琀 愀 洀椀渀椀猀挀甀氀攀 渀甀洀戀攀爀 漀昀 甀氀琀爀愀ⴀ眀攀愀氀琀栀礀 瀀攀漀瀀氀攀 栀愀瘀攀 最漀渀攀 愀戀漀甀琀 漀眀渀椀渀最 琀栀攀 ਀瀀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀椀愀氀 挀愀渀搀椀搀愀琀攀猀 椀渀 ㈀  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 戀椀氀氀椀漀渀 搀漀氀氀愀爀猀 攀砀琀爀愀 昀漀爀 䈀甀猀栀✀猀 眀愀爀猀⸀ 吀栀愀琀✀猀 椀渀 愀搀搀椀琀椀漀渀 琀漀 琀栀攀 栀甀最攀 愀洀漀甀渀琀 漀昀 洀漀渀攀礀 愀氀爀攀愀搀礀 ਀猀瀀攀渀琀 漀渀 琀栀攀 眀愀爀猀 琀栀爀漀甀最栀 琀栀攀 椀洀洀攀渀猀攀 洀椀氀椀琀愀爀礀 戀甀搀最攀琀Ⰰ 愀氀漀渀最 眀椀琀栀 琀栀攀 戀甀搀最攀琀猀 昀漀爀 愀最攀渀挀椀攀猀 氀椀欀攀 琀栀攀 䐀攀瀀愀爀琀洀攀渀琀 漀昀 匀琀愀琀攀 愀渀搀 䌀䤀䄀 琀栀愀琀 愀爀攀 戀攀椀渀最 栀攀愀瘀椀氀礀 ਀搀攀瀀攀渀搀攀搀 甀瀀漀渀 琀漀 欀攀攀瀀 琀栀攀 眀愀爀猀 最漀椀渀最⸀ ਀㰀瀀㸀䌀栀爀椀猀琀漀瀀栀攀爀 䐀漀搀搀 愀戀猀琀愀椀渀攀搀⸀ 匀漀 搀椀搀 䨀漀猀攀瀀栀 䈀椀搀攀渀Ⰰ 䈀愀爀愀挀欀 伀戀愀洀愀 愀渀搀 䠀椀氀氀愀爀礀 䌀氀椀渀琀漀渀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀伀搀搀氀礀 攀渀漀甀最栀Ⰰ 猀漀 搀椀搀 䨀漀栀渀 䴀挀䌀愀椀渀⸀ 圀栀愀琀Ⰰ 椀猀 琀栀爀漀眀椀渀最 愀眀愀礀 ㄀㔀  戀椀氀氀椀漀渀 搀漀氀氀愀爀猀 渀漀琀 攀渀漀甀最栀 昀漀爀 䴀爀⸀ 吀愀砀 愀渀搀 匀瀀攀渀搀 䴀挀䌀愀椀渀㼀 䐀漀攀猀 琀栀攀 䈀椀最 䜀漀瘀攀爀渀洀攀渀琀 ਀刀攀瀀甀戀氀椀挀愀渀 昀爀漀洀 䄀爀椀稀漀渀愀 眀愀渀琀 琀漀 攀砀瀀愀渀搀 琀栀攀 最漀瘀攀爀渀洀攀渀琀 攀瘀攀渀 洀漀爀攀㼀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀䤀✀洀 猀愀搀 琀漀 猀愀礀 琀栀愀琀 琀栀攀 ㄀㔀  戀椀氀氀椀漀渀 搀漀氀氀愀爀猀 最漀琀 㤀㈀ 瘀漀琀攀猀 椀渀 愀瀀瀀爀漀瘀愀氀⸀ 吀栀愀琀 椀渀挀氀甀搀攀猀 琀栀攀 瘀漀琀攀猀 漀昀 愀氀洀漀猀琀 愀氀氀 琀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀猀 椀渀 琀栀攀 匀攀渀愀琀攀⸀ 䤀琀✀猀 愀氀猀漀 愀 瘀漀琀攀 琀栀愀琀 ਀猀琀愀渀搀猀 猀琀愀爀欀氀礀 愀最愀椀渀猀琀 瀀甀戀氀椀挀 漀瀀椀渀椀漀渀⸀ 䄀挀挀漀爀搀椀渀最 琀漀 愀 渀攀眀 圀愀猀栀椀渀最琀漀渀 倀漀猀琀ⴀ䄀䈀䌀 一攀眀猀 瀀漀氀氀Ⰰ 愀戀漀甀琀 㜀  瀀攀爀挀攀渀琀 漀昀 䄀洀攀爀椀挀愀渀猀 眀愀渀琀 昀甀渀搀椀渀最 琀漀 琀栀攀 䤀爀愀焀 圀愀爀 琀漀 ਀戀攀 挀甀琀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 愀 洀愀樀漀爀椀琀礀 漀昀 琀栀漀猀攀 瀀攀漀瀀氀攀 眀愀渀琀 椀琀 挀甀琀 挀漀洀瀀氀攀琀攀氀礀 漀爀 搀爀愀猀琀椀挀愀氀氀礀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀吀栀攀 匀攀渀愀琀攀✀猀 瘀漀琀攀 椀氀氀甀猀琀爀愀琀攀猀 栀漀眀 渀攀挀攀猀猀愀爀礀 椀琀 椀猀 琀漀 最攀琀 愀 瀀爀漀最爀攀猀猀椀瘀攀 倀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀 椀渀 琀栀攀 圀栀椀琀攀 䠀漀甀猀攀 椀渀 渀攀砀琀 礀攀愀爀✀猀 攀氀攀挀琀椀漀渀⸀ 䄀洀攀爀椀挀愀 渀攀攀搀猀 愀 瀀爀漀最爀攀猀猀椀瘀攀 ਀倀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀 椀渀 漀爀搀攀爀 琀漀 挀漀甀渀琀攀爀 渀漀琀 樀甀猀琀 琀栀攀 刀攀瀀甀戀氀椀挀愀渀猀 椀渀 䌀漀渀最爀攀猀猀Ⰰ 戀甀琀 洀漀猀琀 漀昀 琀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀猀 愀猀 眀攀氀氀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀吀栀攀 琀栀爀攀攀 猀攀渀愀琀漀爀猀 眀栀漀 瘀漀琀攀搀 愀最愀椀渀猀琀 琀栀攀 爀攀猀漀氀甀琀椀漀渀 眀攀爀攀㨀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀 刀漀戀攀爀琀 䈀礀爀搀㰀䈀爀㸀 ਀刀攀瀀甀戀氀椀挀愀渀 吀漀洀 䌀漀戀甀爀渀㰀䈀爀㸀 ਀䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀 刀甀猀猀 䘀攀椀渀最漀氀搀㰀䈀爀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀⠀匀漀甀爀挀攀猀㨀 䰀椀戀爀愀爀礀 漀昀 䌀漀渀最爀攀猀猀Ⰰ 圀愀猀栀椀渀最琀漀渀 倀漀猀琀Ⰰ 伀挀琀漀戀攀爀 ㈀Ⰰ ㈀  㜀⤀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀氀椀㸀吀栀攀 唀⸀匀⸀ 匀甀瀀爀攀洀攀 䌀漀甀爀琀 栀愀猀 搀攀挀氀椀渀攀搀 琀漀 栀攀愀爀 琀栀攀 挀愀猀攀 漀昀 愀 䜀攀爀洀愀渀 挀椀琀椀稀攀渀 眀栀漀 眀愀猀 椀搀攀渀琀椀昀椀攀搀 洀椀猀琀愀欀攀渀氀礀 戀礀 琀栀攀 䌀䤀䄀 愀猀 愀 琀攀爀爀漀爀椀猀琀Ⰰ 愀戀搀甀挀琀攀搀Ⰰ 琀爀愀渀猀昀攀爀爀攀搀 ਀琀漀 䄀昀最栀愀渀椀猀琀愀渀Ⰰ 搀攀琀愀椀渀攀搀 椀渀 猀漀氀椀琀愀爀礀 挀漀渀昀椀渀攀洀攀渀琀 眀椀琀栀漀甀琀 挀栀愀爀最攀猀Ⰰ 搀爀甀最最攀搀Ⰰ 戀攀愀琀攀渀 愀渀搀 琀漀爀琀甀爀攀搀 戀攀昀漀爀攀 戀攀椀渀最 猀甀洀洀愀爀椀氀礀 搀攀瀀漀猀椀琀攀搀 戀礀 䄀洀攀爀椀挀愀渀猀 漀渀 愀 ਀栀椀氀氀琀漀瀀 椀渀 䄀氀戀愀渀椀愀Ⰰ 眀愀爀渀攀搀 渀漀琀 琀漀 氀漀漀欀 戀愀挀欀 愀渀搀 渀攀瘀攀爀 琀漀 琀攀氀氀 愀 猀漀甀氀 愀戀漀甀琀 眀栀愀琀 栀攀 栀愀搀 猀甀昀昀攀爀攀搀 椀渀 栀椀猀 椀氀氀攀最愀氀 瀀爀椀猀漀渀 挀攀氀氀⸀ 䄀猀 愀 爀攀猀甀氀琀Ⰰ 琀栀攀 洀愀渀 琀漀 眀栀漀洀 琀栀椀猀 ਀眀愀猀 搀漀渀攀 栀愀猀 渀漀 氀攀最愀氀 爀攀挀漀甀爀猀攀 眀栀愀琀猀漀攀瘀攀爀 愀最愀椀渀猀琀 琀栀攀 挀漀甀渀琀爀礀   漀甀爀 挀漀甀渀琀爀礀   琀栀愀琀 搀椀搀 琀栀椀猀 琀漀 栀椀洀⸀ ਀㰀瀀㸀吀栀椀猀 椀猀 瀀攀爀栀愀瀀猀 琀栀攀 洀漀猀琀 猀椀渀椀猀琀攀爀 挀愀猀攀 漀昀 䄀洀攀爀椀挀愀渀 ∀攀砀琀爀愀漀爀搀椀渀愀爀礀 爀攀渀搀椀琀椀漀渀∀ 礀攀琀 琀漀 挀漀洀攀 琀漀 氀椀最栀琀⸀ 䤀昀 琀栀攀 匀甀瀀爀攀洀攀 䌀漀甀爀琀 眀椀氀氀 渀漀琀 最爀愀渀琀 爀攀氀椀攀昀 漀爀 攀瘀攀渀 ਀愀挀挀攀瀀琀 琀栀攀 爀椀最栀琀 漀昀 愀 瀀攀琀椀琀椀漀渀攀爀 琀漀 栀愀瘀攀 栀椀猀 瀀氀攀愀 栀攀愀爀搀 椀渀 琀栀椀猀 挀愀猀攀 漀昀 猀攀瘀攀爀攀 椀渀樀甀猀琀椀挀攀Ⰰ 琀栀攀爀攀 椀猀 渀漀 爀攀愀猀漀渀 琀漀 戀攀氀椀攀瘀攀 琀栀攀 匀甀瀀爀攀洀攀 䌀漀甀爀琀 眀椀氀氀 攀瘀攀爀 最爀愀渀琀 爀攀氀椀攀昀 琀漀 ਀愀渀漀琀栀攀爀 瘀椀挀琀椀洀 漀昀 愀爀戀椀琀愀爀礀 䄀洀攀爀椀挀愀渀 瀀漀眀攀爀⸀ 吀栀攀 匀甀瀀爀攀洀攀 䌀漀甀爀琀 搀攀挀椀搀攀搀Ⰰ 椀渀 愀 䬀愀昀欀愀攀猀焀甀攀 瀀椀攀挀攀 漀昀 爀攀愀猀漀渀椀渀最Ⰰ 琀栀愀琀 猀椀渀挀攀 琀栀攀 猀甀戀樀攀挀琀 洀愀琀琀攀爀 漀昀 琀栀攀 挀愀猀攀 栀愀搀 琀漀 ਀搀漀 眀椀琀栀 洀愀琀琀攀爀猀 欀攀瀀琀 猀攀挀爀攀琀 戀礀 琀栀攀 匀琀愀琀攀Ⰰ 琀栀攀 䌀漀甀爀琀 挀漀甀氀搀 渀漀琀 攀瘀攀渀 栀攀愀爀 琀栀攀 挀愀猀攀 眀椀琀栀漀甀琀 搀椀猀挀氀漀猀椀渀最 匀琀愀琀攀 猀攀挀爀攀琀猀⸀ 䤀琀✀猀 琀攀爀爀椀昀礀椀渀最氀礀 挀椀爀挀甀氀愀爀Ⰰ 戀甀琀 椀琀✀猀 爀攀愀氀 椀渀 椀琀猀 ਀攀昀昀攀挀琀㨀 琀栀攀 匀甀瀀爀攀洀攀 䌀漀甀爀琀 眀椀氀氀 渀漀琀 椀渀琀攀爀瘀攀渀攀 椀渀 攀砀琀爀愀漀爀搀椀渀愀爀礀 爀攀渀搀椀琀椀漀渀 挀愀猀攀猀Ⰰ 渀漀琀 攀瘀攀渀 琀漀 爀甀氀攀 漀渀 琀栀攀椀爀 戀爀漀愀搀 挀漀渀猀琀椀琀甀琀椀漀渀愀氀椀琀礀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀圀椀琀栀 琀栀攀 匀甀瀀爀攀洀攀 䌀漀甀爀琀 漀昀 匀愀洀甀攀氀 䄀氀椀琀漀Ⰰ 䨀漀栀渀 刀漀戀攀爀琀猀Ⰰ 䌀氀愀爀攀渀挀攀 吀栀漀洀愀猀 愀渀搀 䄀渀琀漀渀椀渀 匀挀愀氀椀愀 爀攀昀甀猀椀渀最 琀漀 椀渀琀攀爀瘀攀渀攀 椀渀 愀 挀愀猀攀 漀昀 挀氀攀愀爀氀礀 甀渀挀漀渀猀琀椀琀甀琀椀漀渀愀氀 ਀愀渀搀 挀爀甀攀氀 椀渀樀甀猀琀椀挀攀Ⰰ 琀栀攀 䌀漀渀最爀攀猀猀 眀漀甀氀搀 戀攀 琀栀攀 渀攀砀琀 瀀氀愀挀攀 漀昀 爀攀挀漀甀爀猀攀 昀漀爀 琀栀漀猀攀 眀栀漀 戀攀氀椀攀瘀攀 琀栀愀琀 琀栀攀 唀渀椀琀攀搀 匀琀愀琀攀猀 漀昀 䄀洀攀爀椀挀愀 猀栀漀甀氀搀 渀漀琀Ⰰ 洀甀猀琀 渀漀琀 戀攀挀漀洀攀 愀 ਀渀愀琀椀漀渀 漀昀 甀渀愀挀挀漀甀渀琀愀戀氀攀 琀漀爀琀甀爀攀⸀ 䤀 眀爀椀琀攀 ∀眀漀甀氀搀∀ 椀渀琀攀渀琀椀漀渀愀氀氀礀㬀 琀漀 眀爀椀琀攀 ∀眀椀氀氀∀ 眀漀甀氀搀 戀攀 愀渀 愀挀琀 漀昀 甀渀眀愀爀爀愀渀琀攀搀 漀瀀琀椀洀椀猀洀⸀ 吀栀攀爀攀 栀愀猀 戀攀攀渀 漀渀氀礀 漀渀攀 戀椀氀氀 琀漀 攀渀搀 ਀琀栀攀 瀀爀愀挀琀椀挀攀 漀昀 爀攀渀搀椀琀椀漀渀攀搀 琀漀爀琀甀爀攀 椀渀琀爀漀搀甀挀攀搀 戀攀昀漀爀攀 琀栀攀 䠀漀甀猀攀 漀昀 刀攀瀀爀攀猀攀渀琀愀琀椀瘀攀猀 椀渀 琀栀攀 ㄀㄀ 琀栀 䌀漀渀最爀攀猀猀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 琀栀愀琀 椀猀 刀攀瀀⸀ 䔀搀 䴀愀爀欀攀礀✀猀 䠀⸀刀⸀ ㄀㌀㔀㈀⸀ 伀渀氀礀 㔀㈀ ਀挀漀氀氀攀愀最甀攀猀 漀昀 䴀愀爀欀攀礀✀猀   愀 戀愀爀攀 ㄀㈀─ 漀昀 爀攀瀀爀攀猀攀渀琀愀琀椀瘀攀猀   栀愀瘀攀 栀愀搀 琀栀攀 洀漀爀愀氀 挀漀甀爀愀最攀 琀漀 挀漀猀瀀漀渀猀漀爀 䠀⸀刀⸀ ㄀㌀㔀㈀ ⠀琀栀攀 猀洀愀氀氀 猀攀琀 漀昀 挀漀猀瀀漀渀猀漀爀猀 椀渀挀氀甀搀攀猀 瀀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀椀愀氀 ਀挀愀渀搀椀搀愀琀攀 䐀攀渀渀椀猀 䬀甀挀椀渀椀挀栀⤀⸀ 吀栀攀 戀椀氀氀 椀猀 猀琀椀氀氀 猀琀甀挀欀 椀渀 挀漀洀洀椀琀琀攀攀⸀ 吀栀攀爀攀 栀愀猀 戀攀攀渀 漀渀氀礀 漀渀攀 戀椀氀氀 琀漀 攀渀搀 琀栀攀 瀀爀愀挀琀椀挀攀 漀昀 爀攀渀搀椀琀椀漀渀攀搀 琀漀爀琀甀爀攀 椀渀琀爀漀搀甀挀攀搀 戀攀昀漀爀攀 琀栀攀 ਀匀攀渀愀琀攀 椀渀 琀栀攀 ㄀㄀ 琀栀 䌀漀渀最爀攀猀猀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 琀栀愀琀 椀猀 匀攀渀愀琀漀爀 䨀漀猀攀瀀栀 䈀椀搀攀渀✀猀 匀⸀ ㄀㠀㜀㘀⸀ 伀洀椀渀漀甀猀氀礀Ⰰ 渀漀琀 漀渀攀 昀攀氀氀漀眀 匀攀渀愀琀漀爀 漀昀 䈀椀搀攀渀✀猀 栀愀猀 戀漀琀栀攀爀攀搀 琀漀 挀漀猀瀀漀渀猀漀爀 椀琀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 琀栀攀 ਀戀椀氀氀 栀愀猀 最漀渀攀 渀漀眀栀攀爀攀 猀椀渀挀攀 椀琀 眀愀猀 椀渀琀爀漀搀甀挀攀搀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀吀栀椀猀 椀猀 眀栀礀 琀栀攀 挀甀爀爀攀渀琀 猀琀愀琀甀猀 漀昀 瀀漀氀椀琀椀挀猀 椀渀 圀愀猀栀椀渀最琀漀渀Ⰰ 䐀䌀 椀猀 甀渀愀挀挀攀瀀琀愀戀氀攀⸀ 吀栀椀猀 椀猀 眀栀礀 眀攀 渀攀攀搀 愀 挀栀愀渀最攀⸀ 吀栀椀猀 椀猀 眀栀礀 眀攀 渀攀攀搀 琀漀 瘀漀琀攀 昀漀爀 琀栀攀 洀漀猀琀 ਀瀀爀漀最爀攀猀猀椀瘀攀 漀瀀琀椀漀渀猀 愀瘀愀椀氀愀戀氀攀 琀漀 甀猀 椀渀 琀栀攀 挀漀渀最爀攀猀猀椀漀渀愀氀 愀渀搀 瀀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀椀愀氀 攀氀攀挀琀椀漀渀猀 漀昀 ㈀  㠀⸀ 伀昀 挀漀甀爀猀攀 琀栀愀琀 洀攀愀渀猀 渀漀琀 瘀漀琀椀渀最 刀攀瀀甀戀氀椀挀愀渀Ⰰ 戀甀琀 椀渀 洀愀渀礀 挀愀猀攀猀 椀琀 ਀眀椀氀氀 愀氀猀漀 洀攀愀渀 渀漀琀 瘀漀琀椀渀最 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀 攀椀琀栀攀爀⸀ 䰀漀漀欀 甀瀀 琀栀攀 氀攀最椀猀氀愀琀椀瘀攀 爀攀挀漀爀搀 漀昀 礀漀甀爀 爀攀瀀爀攀猀攀渀琀愀琀椀瘀攀 愀渀搀 礀漀甀爀 猀攀渀愀琀漀爀猀⸀ 倀愀礀 挀氀漀猀攀 愀琀琀攀渀琀椀漀渀 琀漀 琀栀攀 瀀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀椀愀氀 ਀挀愀洀瀀愀椀最渀猀 愀渀搀 渀漀琀攀 眀栀愀琀 琀栀攀 挀愀渀搀椀搀愀琀攀猀 猀瀀攀挀椀昀椀挀愀氀氀礀 猀愀礀 琀栀攀礀 眀椀氀氀 搀漀 愀戀漀甀琀 琀栀攀 瀀爀愀挀琀椀挀攀 漀昀 攀砀琀爀愀漀爀搀椀渀愀爀礀 爀攀渀搀椀琀椀漀渀 椀渀琀漀 琀栀攀 栀愀渀搀猀 漀昀 琀漀爀琀甀爀攀爀猀⸀ 䤀昀 礀漀甀 搀漀渀✀琀 ਀氀椀欀攀 眀栀愀琀 礀漀甀 猀攀攀Ⰰ 氀漀漀欀 攀氀猀攀眀栀攀爀攀⸀ 吀栀愀琀 洀愀礀 洀攀愀渀 氀漀漀欀椀渀最 搀漀眀渀 琀栀攀 戀愀氀氀漀琀 琀漀 愀 琀栀椀爀搀 瀀愀爀琀礀 漀爀 椀渀搀攀瀀攀渀搀攀渀琀 挀愀渀搀椀搀愀琀攀 昀漀爀 挀漀渀最爀攀猀猀 漀爀 琀栀攀 瀀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀挀礀⸀ 䤀昀 礀漀甀 ਀搀漀渀✀琀 猀攀攀 愀 猀甀椀琀愀戀氀攀 愀氀琀攀爀渀愀琀椀瘀攀Ⰰ 椀琀✀猀 渀漀琀 琀漀漀 氀愀琀攀 琀漀 最愀琀栀攀爀 眀椀琀栀 氀椀欀攀ⴀ洀椀渀搀攀搀 昀爀椀攀渀搀猀 愀渀搀 渀攀椀最栀戀漀爀猀 琀漀 猀琀愀爀琀 漀爀最愀渀椀稀椀渀最 愀渀 愀氀琀攀爀渀愀琀椀瘀攀 挀愀洀瀀愀椀最渀 爀椀最栀琀 眀栀攀爀攀 礀漀甀 ਀氀椀瘀攀⸀ 吀栀椀猀 挀愀渀 戀攀 搀漀渀攀⸀  ⠀匀漀甀爀挀攀㨀 一攀眀 夀漀爀欀 吀椀洀攀猀 伀挀琀漀戀攀爀 㤀 ㈀  㜀㬀 䰀椀戀爀愀爀礀 漀昀 䌀漀渀最爀攀猀猀 搀愀琀愀 漀渀 匀⸀ ㄀㠀㜀㘀⤀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀氀椀㸀䤀渀 氀愀琀攀 ㈀  㐀Ⰰ 椀琀 眀愀猀 爀攀瘀攀愀氀攀搀 琀栀愀琀 琀漀爀琀甀爀攀 漀昀 瀀爀椀猀漀渀攀爀猀 眀愀猀 眀椀搀攀猀瀀爀攀愀搀 椀渀 䤀爀愀焀 愀渀搀 愀琀 琀栀攀 䄀洀攀爀椀挀愀渀 瀀爀椀猀漀渀猀 愀琀 䜀甀愀渀琀愀渀愀洀漀 䈀愀礀Ⰰ 䌀甀戀愀⸀  吀栀攀 椀渀瘀漀氀瘀攀洀攀渀琀 ਀漀昀 倀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀 䜀攀漀爀最攀 圀⸀ 䈀甀猀栀 栀椀洀猀攀氀昀 椀渀 搀椀爀攀挀琀椀渀最 琀栀攀 琀漀爀琀甀爀攀 眀愀猀 椀渀搀椀挀愀琀攀搀⸀  匀漀 眀栀愀琀 搀椀搀 琀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 氀攀愀搀攀爀猀栀椀瀀 椀渀 䌀漀渀最爀攀猀猀 搀漀 愀戀漀甀琀 椀琀㼀  一漀琀栀椀渀最⸀ ਀㰀瀀㸀一愀渀挀礀 倀攀氀漀猀椀 愀渀搀 䠀愀爀爀礀 刀攀椀搀 搀椀搀渀✀琀 搀漀 猀漀 洀甀挀栀 愀猀 椀猀猀甀攀 愀 瀀爀攀猀猀 爀攀氀攀愀猀攀⸀  吀栀攀 䠀漀甀猀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 䌀愀甀挀甀猀 洀愀搀攀 渀漀 猀琀愀琀攀洀攀渀琀⸀  吀栀攀 匀攀渀愀琀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 ਀氀攀愀搀攀爀猀栀椀瀀 搀椀搀渀✀琀 攀瘀攀渀 爀攀焀甀攀猀琀 琀栀愀琀 栀攀愀爀椀渀最猀 琀愀欀攀 瀀氀愀挀攀⸀  吀栀攀礀 愀氀氀 樀甀猀琀 愀挀挀攀瀀琀攀搀 琀栀攀 眀椀搀攀猀瀀爀攀愀搀 甀猀攀 漀昀 琀漀爀琀甀爀攀Ⰰ 搀椀爀攀挀琀攀搀 戀礀 琀栀攀 倀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀 漀昀 琀栀攀 唀渀椀琀攀搀 匀琀愀琀攀猀Ⰰ ਀眀椀琀栀漀甀琀 瀀爀漀琀攀猀琀⸀  吀栀攀礀 愀氀氀漀眀攀搀 ㈀  㐀 琀漀 瀀愀猀猀 椀渀琀漀 ㈀  㔀 椀渀 猀椀氀攀渀琀 椀洀瀀氀椀挀椀琀 愀瀀瀀爀漀瘀愀氀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀氀椀㸀䠀攀爀攀✀猀 眀栀愀琀 匀瀀攀愀欀攀爀 漀昀 琀栀攀 䠀漀甀猀攀 一愀渀挀礀 倀攀氀漀猀椀 栀愀搀 琀漀 猀愀礀 漀渀 伀挀琀漀戀攀爀 㤀 ㈀  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 㜀㬀 圀栀椀琀攀 䠀漀甀猀攀 渀攀眀猀 挀漀渀昀攀爀攀渀挀攀 眀椀琀栀 猀瀀漀欀攀猀瀀攀爀猀漀渀 䐀愀渀愀 倀攀爀椀渀漀⤀ ਀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀氀椀㸀䨀甀猀琀 愀猀 栀攀✀猀 戀攀攀渀 琀爀礀椀渀最 琀漀 最愀椀渀 洀漀洀攀渀琀甀洀 椀渀 栀椀猀 搀爀椀瘀攀 琀漀 挀愀琀挀栀 甀瀀 琀漀 䠀椀氀氀愀爀礀 䌀氀椀渀琀漀渀 椀渀 琀栀攀 爀愀挀攀 昀漀爀 琀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 瀀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀椀愀氀 渀漀洀椀渀愀琀椀漀渀Ⰰ 䈀愀爀愀挀欀 ਀伀戀愀洀愀 栀愀猀 戀攀攀渀 搀攀愀氀椀渀最 眀椀琀栀 栀愀爀猀栀 挀爀椀琀椀挀椀猀洀 漀昀 栀椀猀 甀猀攀 漀昀 䐀漀渀渀椀攀 䴀挀䌀氀甀爀欀椀渀Ⰰ 愀渀 愀渀琀椀ⴀ最愀礀 䌀栀爀椀猀琀椀愀渀 瀀爀攀愀挀栀攀爀Ⰰ 漀渀 愀渀 伀戀愀洀愀 昀漀爀 倀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀 最漀猀瀀攀氀 洀甀猀椀挀 琀漀甀爀⸀  ਀䴀挀䌀氀甀爀欀椀渀 猀愀礀猀 琀栀愀琀 最愀礀猀 愀爀攀 猀椀挀欀 瀀攀漀瀀氀攀 眀栀漀 渀攀攀搀 琀漀 戀攀 挀甀爀攀搀 琀栀爀漀甀最栀 琀栀攀 瀀漀眀攀爀 漀昀 䌀栀爀椀猀琀椀愀渀椀琀礀⸀ ਀㰀瀀㸀匀栀漀眀椀渀最 琀栀愀琀 栀攀 爀攀愀氀氀礀 搀漀攀猀渀✀琀 最攀琀 椀琀Ⰰ 䈀愀爀愀挀欀 伀戀愀洀愀 瀀氀攀搀最攀搀 琀栀愀琀 栀攀✀搀 洀愀欀攀 甀瀀 昀漀爀 琀栀攀 瀀爀漀戀氀攀洀 戀礀 栀愀瘀椀渀最 愀 最愀礀 洀愀渀 猀愀礀 愀 瀀爀愀礀攀爀 戀攀昀漀爀攀 䴀挀䌀氀甀爀欀椀渀 ਀琀愀欀攀猀 琀栀攀 猀琀愀最攀 昀漀爀 伀戀愀洀愀⸀ 吀栀愀琀✀猀 氀椀欀攀 猀愀礀椀渀最 琀栀愀琀 礀漀甀 挀愀渀 洀愀欀攀 甀瀀 昀漀爀 愀猀欀椀渀最 䄀搀漀氀瀀栀 䠀椀琀氀攀爀 琀漀 挀愀洀瀀愀椀最渀 昀漀爀 礀漀甀 椀昀 礀漀甀 栀愀瘀攀 猀漀洀攀漀渀攀 䨀攀眀椀猀栀 挀愀洀瀀愀椀最渀 昀漀爀 ਀礀漀甀 琀漀漀⸀ 圀栀愀琀 䈀愀爀愀挀欀 伀戀愀洀愀 搀漀攀猀渀✀琀 甀渀搀攀爀猀琀愀渀搀 椀猀 琀栀愀琀 椀琀✀猀 渀漀琀 漀欀愀礀 昀漀爀 栀椀猀 挀愀洀瀀愀椀最渀 琀漀 戀攀 椀渀挀氀甀猀椀瘀攀 漀昀 栀愀琀攀昀甀氀Ⰰ 椀最渀漀爀愀渀琀 愀琀琀椀琀甀搀攀猀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀吀栀攀爀攀✀猀 愀渀漀琀栀攀爀 猀椀搀攀 琀漀 琀栀攀 猀琀漀爀礀Ⰰ 栀漀眀攀瘀攀爀Ⰰ 琀栀愀琀 栀愀猀渀✀琀 戀攀攀渀 愀搀攀焀甀愀琀攀氀礀 挀漀渀猀椀搀攀爀攀搀㨀 吀栀攀 焀甀攀猀琀椀漀渀 漀昀 眀栀愀琀 椀渀 琀栀攀 眀漀爀氀搀 愀 挀愀渀搀椀搀愀琀攀 昀漀爀 倀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀 椀猀 搀漀椀渀最 ਀栀愀瘀椀渀最 愀 最漀猀瀀攀氀 洀甀猀椀挀 琀漀甀爀⸀ 䜀漀猀瀀攀氀 洀甀猀椀挀Ⰰ 愀昀琀攀爀 愀氀氀Ⰰ 椀猀渀✀琀 樀甀猀琀 洀甀猀椀挀⸀ 䤀琀✀猀 渀漀琀 樀甀猀琀 爀攀氀椀最椀漀甀猀 洀甀猀椀挀⸀ 䤀琀✀猀 䌀栀爀椀猀琀椀愀渀 爀攀氀椀最椀漀甀猀 洀甀猀椀挀Ⰰ 瀀爀漀洀漀琀椀渀最 挀攀爀琀愀椀渀 欀椀渀搀猀 漀昀 ਀䌀栀爀椀猀琀椀愀渀椀琀礀 漀瘀攀爀 漀琀栀攀爀猀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀匀漀洀攀 洀椀最栀琀 搀椀猀洀椀猀猀 琀栀椀猀 愀猀 愀 渀椀琀瀀椀挀欀礀 瀀漀椀渀琀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 猀愀礀 琀栀愀琀 䈀愀爀愀挀欀 伀戀愀洀愀 椀猀 樀甀猀琀 爀攀挀漀最渀椀稀椀渀最 琀栀攀 欀椀渀搀 漀昀 洀甀猀椀挀 琀栀愀琀 琀愀爀最攀琀攀搀 最爀漀甀瀀猀 漀昀 瘀漀琀攀爀猀 攀渀樀漀礀⸀ ਀伀爀搀椀渀愀爀椀氀礀Ⰰ 䤀 洀椀最栀琀 最椀瘀攀 琀栀愀琀 椀搀攀愀 猀漀洀攀 挀爀攀搀攀渀挀攀Ⰰ 戀甀琀 最椀瘀攀渀 琀栀攀 挀漀渀琀攀砀琀Ⰰ 䤀 挀愀渀✀琀⸀ 吀栀攀 挀漀渀琀攀砀琀 漀昀 伀戀愀洀愀✀猀 䔀洀戀爀愀挀攀 吀栀攀 䌀栀愀渀最攀 䜀漀猀瀀攀氀 吀漀甀爀 椀猀 琀栀攀 㐀  䐀愀礀猀 漀昀 ਀䘀愀椀琀栀 愀渀搀 䘀愀洀椀氀礀 琀栀愀琀 䈀愀爀愀挀欀 伀戀愀洀愀 栀愀猀 搀攀挀氀愀爀攀搀 椀渀 匀漀甀琀栀 䌀愀爀漀氀椀渀愀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀䄀猀 瀀愀爀琀 漀昀 栀椀猀 㐀 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 㜀㬀 䈀愀爀愀挀欀伀戀愀洀愀⸀挀漀洀⤀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀氀椀㸀伀渀 伀挀琀漀戀攀爀 ㈀㠀Ⰰ ㈀ 㜀Ⰰ 洀漀爀攀 琀栀愀渀 ㄀  Ⰰ    䄀洀攀爀椀挀愀渀猀 挀愀洀攀 琀漀最攀琀栀攀爀 愀渀搀 瀀爀漀琀攀猀琀攀搀 愀最愀椀渀猀琀 挀漀渀琀椀渀甀椀渀最 琀栀攀 䄀洀攀爀椀挀愀渀 洀椀氀椀琀愀爀礀 漀挀挀甀瀀愀琀椀漀渀 漀昀 䤀爀愀焀⸀  一漀琀 漀渀攀 漀昀 ਀琀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 瀀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀椀愀氀 昀爀漀渀琀爀甀渀渀攀爀猀 戀漀琀栀攀爀攀搀 琀漀 樀漀椀渀 琀栀攀洀⸀  ⠀匀漀甀爀挀攀㨀 吀栀攀 䜀甀愀爀搀椀愀渀Ⰰ 伀挀琀漀戀攀爀 ㈀㤀Ⰰ ㈀  㜀⤀㰀䈀爀㸀㰀䈀爀㸀 ਀㰀氀椀㸀吀漀 甀渀搀攀爀猀琀愀渀搀 栀漀眀 椀洀瀀漀爀琀愀渀琀 椀琀 椀猀 琀漀 爀攀昀漀爀洀 琀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 倀愀爀琀礀Ⰰ 挀漀渀猀椀搀攀爀 琀栀攀 猀琀愀琀攀洀攀渀琀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 瀀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀椀愀氀 挀愀渀搀椀搀愀琀攀 䈀椀氀氀 刀椀挀栀愀爀搀猀漀渀 洀愀搀攀 樀甀猀琀 ਀戀攀昀漀爀攀 愀 琀攀氀攀瘀椀猀攀搀 瀀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀椀愀氀 搀攀戀愀琀攀 漀渀 琀栀攀 攀瘀攀 漀昀 䠀愀氀氀漀眀攀攀渀 ㈀  㜀⸀ ਀㰀瀀㸀吀攀氀氀椀渀最 漀琀栀攀爀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 瀀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀椀愀氀 挀愀渀搀椀搀愀琀攀猀 琀漀 猀琀漀瀀 挀爀椀琀椀挀椀稀椀渀最 䠀椀氀氀愀爀礀 䌀氀椀渀琀漀渀✀猀 爀攀氀椀愀渀挀攀 漀渀 挀愀洀瀀愀椀最渀 搀漀渀愀琀椀漀渀猀 戀甀渀搀氀攀搀 戀礀 氀漀戀戀礀椀猀琀猀Ⰰ 刀椀挀栀愀爀搀猀漀渀 ਀猀愀椀搀Ⰰ ∀䤀琀✀猀 伀䬀 琀漀 最攀琀 愀最最爀攀猀猀椀瘀攀 漀渀 琀栀攀 椀猀猀甀攀猀Ⰰ 戀甀琀 琀漀 洀愀欀攀 瀀攀爀猀漀渀愀氀 愀琀琀愀挀欀猀 漀渀 猀漀洀攀戀漀搀礀✀猀 愀琀琀愀挀栀洀攀渀琀猀 琀漀 氀漀戀戀礀椀猀琀猀Ⰰ 琀栀愀琀✀猀 渀漀琀 琀栀攀 欀椀渀搀 漀昀 瀀漀猀椀琀椀瘀攀 琀漀渀攀 䤀 眀愀渀琀 ਀琀漀 猀攀攀⸀∀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀圀栀愀琀 䈀椀氀氀 刀椀挀栀愀爀搀猀漀渀 挀愀渀渀漀琀 猀攀攀洀 琀漀 昀愀琀栀漀洀 椀猀 琀栀愀琀 琀栀攀 瀀漀眀攀爀 漀昀 挀漀爀瀀漀爀愀琀攀 氀漀戀戀礀椀猀琀猀 漀瘀攀爀 琀栀攀 䄀洀攀爀椀挀愀渀 瀀漀氀椀琀椀挀愀氀 猀礀猀琀攀洀 椀渀 最攀渀攀爀愀氀 愀渀搀 瀀漀氀椀琀椀挀愀氀 ਀挀愀渀搀椀搀愀琀攀猀 椀渀 瀀愀爀琀椀挀甀氀愀爀 椀猀 漀渀攀 漀昀 琀栀攀 洀漀猀琀 椀洀瀀漀爀琀愀渀琀 椀猀猀甀攀猀 漀昀 琀栀攀 ㈀  㠀 瀀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀椀愀氀 攀氀攀挀琀椀漀渀⸀ 䤀昀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 瀀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀椀愀氀 挀愀渀搀椀搀愀琀攀猀 挀愀渀✀琀 愀搀搀爀攀猀猀 琀栀攀 瀀爀漀戀氀攀洀 ਀漀昀 氀漀戀戀礀椀猀琀猀 瀀甀爀挀栀愀猀椀渀最 椀渀昀氀甀攀渀挀攀 漀瘀攀爀 攀氀攀挀琀攀搀 漀昀昀椀挀椀愀氀猀Ⰰ 戀攀挀愀甀猀攀 琀栀攀 椀猀猀甀攀 椀猀 樀甀猀琀 琀漀漀 瀀攀爀猀漀渀愀氀Ⰰ 琀栀攀渀 琀栀攀礀 挀愀渀渀漀琀 愀搀搀爀攀猀猀 琀栀攀 椀猀猀甀攀 漀昀 挀漀爀爀甀瀀琀椀漀渀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀䤀昀 氀漀漀欀椀渀最 琀栀攀 漀琀栀攀爀 眀愀礀 眀栀椀氀攀 挀漀爀爀甀瀀琀椀漀渀 琀眀椀猀琀猀 琀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 倀愀爀琀礀 椀渀琀漀 愀 挀漀爀瀀漀爀愀琀攀 琀漀漀氀 椀猀 眀栀愀琀 䈀椀氀氀 刀椀挀栀愀爀搀猀漀渀 琀栀椀渀欀猀 漀昀 愀猀 愀 ∀瀀漀猀椀琀椀瘀攀 琀漀渀攀∀ 昀漀爀 琀栀攀 ਀㈀  㠀 攀氀攀挀琀椀漀渀Ⰰ 琀栀愀琀✀猀 渀漀琀 愀 瘀攀爀礀 瀀漀猀椀琀椀瘀攀 爀攀昀氀攀挀琀椀漀渀 漀渀 䈀椀氀氀 刀椀挀栀愀爀搀猀漀渀✀猀 椀渀琀攀最爀椀琀礀⸀ 䄀 瀀漀氀椀琀椀挀愀氀 瀀愀爀琀礀✀猀 瀀爀椀洀愀爀礀 瀀爀漀挀攀猀猀 椀猀 猀甀瀀瀀漀猀攀搀 琀漀 戀攀 愀戀漀甀琀 最椀瘀椀渀最 瘀漀琀攀爀猀 琀栀攀 ਀挀栀愀渀挀攀 琀漀 搀攀挀椀搀攀 昀漀爀 琀栀攀洀猀攀氀瘀攀猀 眀栀椀挀栀 挀愀渀搀椀搀愀琀攀 戀攀猀琀 爀攀瀀爀攀猀攀渀琀猀 琀栀攀椀爀 椀搀攀愀氀猀⸀ 匀眀攀攀瀀椀渀最 瀀爀漀戀氀攀洀猀 甀渀搀攀爀 琀栀攀 爀甀最 愀渀搀 瀀爀攀琀攀渀搀椀渀最 琀栀愀琀 琀栀攀礀 搀漀渀✀琀 攀砀椀猀琀 挀愀渀 漀渀氀礀 ਀戀攀 挀漀渀猀椀搀攀爀攀搀 瀀漀猀椀琀椀瘀攀 戀礀 琀栀漀猀攀 眀栀漀 瀀爀攀昀攀爀 琀漀 瀀爀攀琀攀渀搀 琀栀愀琀 琀栀漀猀攀 瀀爀漀戀氀攀洀猀 搀漀渀✀琀 攀砀椀猀琀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀䤀琀✀猀 甀瀀 琀漀 瘀漀琀攀爀猀 琀漀 爀攀昀甀猀攀 䈀椀氀氀 刀椀挀栀愀爀搀猀漀渀✀猀 挀漀瘀攀爀 昀漀爀 挀漀爀爀甀瀀琀椀漀渀 眀椀琀栀椀渀 琀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 倀愀爀琀礀⸀ 䤀琀✀猀 琀栀攀 爀攀猀瀀漀渀猀椀戀椀氀椀琀礀 漀昀 瘀漀琀攀爀猀 琀漀 昀椀渀搀 琀爀甀攀 瀀爀漀最爀攀猀猀椀瘀攀猀 ਀眀椀琀栀椀渀 琀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 倀愀爀琀礀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 最椀瘀攀 琀栀漀猀攀 瀀爀漀最爀攀猀猀椀瘀攀猀 琀栀攀椀爀 猀甀瀀瀀漀爀琀Ⰰ 椀渀猀琀攀愀搀 漀昀 樀甀猀琀 最漀椀渀最 愀氀漀渀最 眀椀琀栀 眀栀漀洀攀瘀攀爀 琀栀攀 挀漀爀瀀漀爀愀琀攀 氀漀戀戀礀椀猀琀猀 栀愀瘀攀 戀愀渀欀爀漀氀氀攀搀 ਀愀猀 琀栀攀 倀愀爀琀礀✀猀 挀愀渀搀椀搀愀琀攀⸀ ⠀匀漀甀爀挀攀㨀 䄀猀猀漀挀椀愀琀攀搀 倀爀攀猀猀Ⰰ 伀挀琀漀戀攀爀 ㌀ Ⰰ ㈀  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Ⰰ 愀渀搀 眀漀爀搀 漀渀 琀栀攀 猀琀爀攀攀琀 椀渀 ਀圀愀猀栀椀渀最琀漀渀 䐀䌀 椀猀 琀栀愀琀 琀栀攀 眀愀琀攀爀戀漀愀爀搀椀渀最 眀愀猀 愀甀琀栀漀爀椀稀攀搀Ⰰ 猀瀀攀挀椀昀椀挀愀氀氀礀 戀礀 昀漀爀洀攀爀 䄀琀琀漀爀渀攀礀 䜀攀渀攀爀愀氀 䨀漀栀渀 䄀猀栀挀爀漀昀琀Ⰰ 匀攀挀爀攀琀愀爀礀 漀昀 匀琀愀琀攀 ⠀愀渀搀 昀漀爀洀攀爀 一愀琀椀漀渀愀氀 ਀匀攀挀甀爀椀琀礀 䄀搀瘀椀猀攀爀⤀ 䌀漀渀搀漀氀攀攀稀稀愀 刀椀挀攀 愀渀搀 倀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀 䜀攀漀爀最攀 圀⸀ 䈀甀猀栀 栀椀洀猀攀氀昀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀㐀⸀ 䤀昀 琀栀攀 䄀琀琀漀爀渀攀礀 䜀攀渀攀爀愀氀 椀猀 漀渀 琀栀攀 爀攀挀漀爀搀 猀琀愀琀椀渀最 琀栀愀琀 眀愀琀攀爀戀漀愀爀搀椀渀最 焀甀愀氀椀昀椀攀猀 甀渀搀攀爀 琀栀攀 氀攀最愀氀 搀攀昀椀渀椀琀椀漀渀 漀昀 琀漀爀琀甀爀攀Ⰰ 琀栀攀渀 琀栀攀 椀渀瘀攀猀琀椀最愀琀椀漀渀Ⰰ 椀洀瀀攀愀挀栀洀攀渀琀 ਀愀渀搀⼀漀爀 愀爀爀攀猀琀 漀昀 攀砀攀挀甀琀椀瘀攀 戀爀愀渀挀栀 椀渀搀椀瘀椀搀甀愀氀猀 椀渀瘀漀氀瘀攀搀 椀渀 挀漀渀猀瀀椀爀愀挀礀 琀漀 挀漀洀洀椀琀 琀漀爀琀甀爀攀 戀攀挀漀洀攀猀 渀漀琀 漀渀氀礀 挀氀攀愀爀氀礀 樀甀猀琀椀昀椀攀搀 戀甀琀 愀氀猀漀 椀洀瀀攀爀愀琀椀瘀攀⸀ 䤀琀 椀猀 琀栀攀 ਀䄀琀琀漀爀渀攀礀 䜀攀渀攀爀愀氀✀猀 爀攀猀瀀漀渀猀椀戀椀氀椀琀礀 琀漀 椀渀椀琀椀愀琀攀 猀甀挀栀 愀 挀漀甀爀猀攀 漀昀 椀渀瘀攀猀琀椀最愀琀椀漀渀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀㔀⸀ 䌀漀渀昀椀爀洀愀琀椀漀渀 栀攀愀爀椀渀最猀 愀爀攀 琀栀攀 漀渀氀礀 瀀爀漀挀攀搀甀爀愀氀 洀漀洀攀渀琀 搀甀爀椀渀最 眀栀椀挀栀 䌀漀渀最爀攀猀猀 挀愀渀 挀漀洀瀀攀氀 琀攀猀琀椀洀漀渀礀 漀渀 眀愀琀攀爀戀漀愀爀搀椀渀最 戀礀 愀 渀漀洀椀渀攀攀 漀爀 眀椀琀栀栀漀氀搀 ਀昀爀漀洀 琀栀愀琀 渀漀洀椀渀攀攀 琀栀攀 瀀漀眀攀爀 漀昀 琀栀攀 䄀琀琀漀爀渀攀礀 䜀攀渀攀爀愀氀✀猀 瀀漀猀椀琀椀漀渀⸀ 䄀昀琀攀爀 挀漀渀昀椀爀洀愀琀椀漀渀Ⰰ 琀栀攀 䄀琀琀漀爀渀攀礀 䜀攀渀攀爀愀氀 挀愀渀 爀攀昀甀猀攀 琀漀 愀渀猀眀攀爀 愀渀礀 焀甀攀猀琀椀漀渀 愀戀漀甀琀 ਀眀愀琀攀爀戀漀愀爀搀椀渀最 眀椀琀栀漀甀琀 愀渀礀 挀漀渀猀攀焀甀攀渀挀攀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀㘀⸀ 䤀渀 漀爀搀攀爀 琀漀 猀甀挀挀攀猀猀昀甀氀氀礀 栀漀氀搀 琀栀攀 挀漀渀猀攀焀甀攀渀挀攀 漀昀 爀攀樀攀挀琀椀漀渀 漀瘀攀爀 䄀琀琀漀爀渀攀礀 䜀攀渀攀爀愀氀 䴀椀挀栀愀攀氀 䴀甀欀愀猀攀礀✀猀 栀攀愀搀Ⰰ 愀氀氀 琀栀愀琀 栀愀搀 琀漀 戀攀 搀漀渀攀 眀愀猀 昀漀爀 琀栀攀 琀攀渀 ਀匀攀渀愀琀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀猀 栀漀氀搀椀渀最 琀栀攀 洀愀樀漀爀椀琀礀 漀渀 琀栀攀 匀攀渀愀琀攀 䨀甀搀椀挀椀愀爀礀 䌀漀洀洀椀琀琀攀攀 琀漀 愀昀昀椀爀洀 琀栀愀琀 琀栀攀礀 眀漀甀氀搀 瘀漀琀攀 ∀一伀∀ 眀椀琀栀漀甀琀 琀栀攀 愀瀀瀀爀漀瀀爀椀愀琀攀 猀琀愀琀攀洀攀渀琀 戀礀 ਀䴀甀欀愀猀攀礀 漀渀 眀愀琀攀爀戀漀愀爀搀椀渀最⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀㜀⸀ 匀攀渀愀琀漀爀猀 䐀椀愀渀渀攀 䘀攀椀渀猀琀攀椀渀 漀昀 䌀愀氀椀昀漀爀渀椀愀 愀渀搀 䌀栀愀爀氀攀猀 匀挀栀甀洀攀爀 漀昀 一攀眀 夀漀爀欀 椀渀猀琀攀愀搀 洀愀搀攀 琀栀攀椀爀 眀愀礀 琀漀 琀栀攀 洀椀挀爀漀瀀栀漀渀攀猀 琀漀搀愀礀 琀漀 愀渀渀漀甀渀挀攀 琀栀愀琀 琀栀攀礀 ਀眀漀甀氀搀 瘀漀琀攀 昀漀爀 䴀甀欀愀猀攀礀Ⰰ 爀攀最愀爀搀氀攀猀猀 漀昀 栀椀猀 爀攀昀甀猀愀氀 琀漀 愀渀猀眀攀爀 琀栀攀 焀甀攀猀琀椀漀渀猀 漀昀 琀栀攀 匀攀渀愀琀攀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀匀攀渀愀琀漀爀猀 䘀攀椀渀猀琀攀椀渀 愀渀搀 匀挀栀甀洀攀爀 搀攀猀琀爀漀礀攀搀 愀 洀漀洀攀渀琀 漀昀 愀挀挀漀甀渀琀愀戀椀氀椀琀礀 昀漀爀 琀栀攀 䈀甀猀栀 愀搀洀椀渀椀猀琀爀愀琀椀漀渀 愀渀搀 椀琀猀 挀爀椀洀椀渀愀氀 戀攀栀愀瘀椀漀爀⸀ 匀攀渀愀琀漀爀 匀挀栀甀洀攀爀 愀渀搀 ਀匀攀渀愀琀漀爀 䘀攀椀渀猀琀攀椀渀 渀漀琀 漀渀氀礀 眀攀爀攀 眀攀愀欀 漀渀 䴀甀欀愀猀攀礀 愀渀搀 眀攀愀欀 漀渀 䈀甀猀栀   琀栀攀礀 眀攀爀攀 眀攀愀欀 漀渀 挀爀椀洀攀Ⰰ 眀攀愀欀 漀渀 瘀椀漀氀攀渀琀 挀爀椀洀攀Ⰰ 眀攀愀欀 漀渀 瘀椀漀氀攀渀琀 挀爀椀洀攀 瀀攀爀瀀攀琀甀愀琀攀搀 ਀戀礀 琀栀攀 猀琀愀琀攀 椀琀猀攀氀昀⸀ 䐀椀愀渀渀攀 䘀攀椀渀猀琀攀椀渀 愀渀搀 䌀栀愀爀氀攀猀 匀挀栀甀洀攀爀 栀愀瘀攀 愀戀愀渀搀漀渀攀搀 琀栀攀椀爀 挀漀洀洀椀琀洀攀渀琀 琀漀 琀栀攀 爀甀氀攀 漀昀 氀愀眀 椀渀 琀栀攀 唀渀椀琀攀搀 匀琀愀琀攀猀 漀昀 䄀洀攀爀椀挀愀⸀ 䐀椀愀渀渀攀 ਀䘀攀椀渀猀琀攀椀渀 愀渀搀 䌀栀愀爀氀攀猀 匀挀栀甀洀攀爀 栀愀瘀攀 愀戀愀渀搀漀渀攀搀 琀栀攀椀爀 漀愀琀栀 漀昀 漀昀昀椀挀攀 椀渀 眀栀椀挀栀 琀栀攀礀 猀眀漀爀攀 琀漀 甀瀀栀漀氀搀 愀渀搀 搀攀昀攀渀搀 琀栀攀 䌀漀渀猀琀椀琀甀琀椀漀渀 漀昀 琀栀攀 唀渀椀琀攀搀 匀琀愀琀攀猀 漀昀 ਀䄀洀攀爀椀挀愀Ⰰ 眀栀椀挀栀 爀攀最愀爀搀氀攀猀猀 漀昀 愀渀礀 瀀愀爀琀椀挀甀氀愀爀 氀愀眀 昀漀爀戀椀搀猀 挀爀甀攀氀 愀渀搀 甀渀甀猀甀愀氀 瀀甀渀椀猀栀洀攀渀琀⸀ 匀挀栀甀洀攀爀 愀渀搀 䘀攀椀渀猀琀攀椀渀 栀愀瘀攀 愀戀愀渀搀漀渀攀搀 琀栀攀 渀愀琀椀漀渀 琀漀 琀漀爀琀甀爀攀⸀ 匀栀愀洀攀 ਀漀渀 琀栀攀洀⸀ 匀栀愀洀攀 漀渀 琀栀攀洀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀吀栀椀猀Ⰰ 爀攀愀搀攀爀猀Ⰰ 椀猀 眀栀礀 䤀 眀椀氀氀 渀攀瘀攀爀 爀攀最椀猀琀攀爀 愀猀 愀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 眀栀礀 䤀 眀椀氀氀 渀攀瘀攀爀 搀漀渀愀琀攀 猀漀 洀甀挀栀 愀猀 愀 爀攀搀 挀攀渀琀 琀漀 琀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 一愀琀椀漀渀愀氀 䌀漀洀洀椀琀琀攀攀 ਀⠀䐀一䌀⤀Ⰰ 琀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 匀攀渀愀琀漀爀椀愀氀 䌀愀洀瀀愀椀最渀 䌀漀洀洀椀琀琀攀攀 ⠀䐀匀䌀䌀⤀Ⰰ 漀爀 琀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 䌀漀渀最爀攀猀猀椀漀渀愀氀 䌀愀洀瀀愀椀最渀 䌀漀洀洀椀琀琀攀攀 ⠀䐀䌀䌀䌀⤀⸀ 䄀渀礀 洀漀渀攀礀 䤀 眀漀甀氀搀 ਀最椀瘀攀 琀栀攀洀 渀漀琀 漀渀氀礀 眀漀甀氀搀 最漀 琀漀眀愀爀搀 琀栀攀 爀攀ⴀ攀氀攀挀琀椀漀渀 漀昀 瀀爀漀最爀攀猀猀椀瘀攀 猀琀愀氀眀愀爀琀猀 猀甀挀栀 愀猀 倀愀琀爀椀挀欀 䰀攀愀栀礀 愀渀搀 刀甀猀猀攀氀氀 䘀攀椀渀最漀氀搀Ⰰ 戀甀琀 眀漀甀氀搀 愀氀猀漀 最漀 琀漀 琀栀攀 挀愀洀瀀愀椀最渀 ਀眀愀爀挀栀攀猀琀猀 漀昀 愀渀琀椀ⴀ氀攀最愀氀Ⰰ 愀渀琀椀ⴀ挀漀渀猀琀椀琀甀琀椀漀渀愀氀Ⰰ 椀渀挀漀渀琀椀渀攀渀琀Ⰰ 甀渀爀攀氀椀愀戀氀攀Ⰰ 猀漀昀琀ⴀ漀渀ⴀ琀漀爀琀甀爀攀 挀愀渀搀椀搀愀琀攀猀 猀甀挀栀 愀猀 䌀栀愀爀氀攀猀 匀挀栀甀洀攀爀 愀渀搀 䐀椀愀渀渀攀 䘀攀椀渀猀琀攀椀渀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀吀栀攀 渀攀砀琀 琀椀洀攀 琀栀攀 䐀一䌀Ⰰ 䐀匀䌀䌀 漀爀 䐀䌀䌀䌀 挀愀氀氀猀 洀攀 漀渀 琀栀攀 瀀栀漀渀攀 愀渀搀 琀攀氀氀猀 洀攀 栀漀眀 甀爀最攀渀琀 椀琀 椀猀 琀栀愀琀 䤀 猀攀渀搀 琀栀攀洀 洀漀渀攀礀 猀漀 琀栀攀礀 挀愀渀 愀椀爀 愀搀瘀攀爀琀椀猀攀洀攀渀琀猀 ਀瀀爀愀椀猀椀渀最 琀栀攀 氀椀欀攀猀 漀昀 匀攀渀愀琀漀爀 匀挀栀甀洀攀爀 愀渀搀 匀攀渀愀琀漀爀 䘀攀椀渀猀琀攀椀渀Ⰰ 挀漀洀瀀氀攀琀攀 眀椀琀栀 昀椀渀攀 洀甀猀椀挀 愀渀搀 瀀愀琀爀椀漀琀椀挀 戀甀渀琀椀渀最 愀渀搀 洀愀欀攀甀瀀 愀爀琀椀猀琀猀 愀渀搀 琀栀攀 戀攀猀琀 氀椀最栀琀椀渀最 ਀琀攀挀栀渀椀挀椀愀渀猀 洀漀渀攀礀 挀愀渀 戀甀礀Ⰰ 䤀 眀椀氀氀 甀琀琀攀爀 琀栀攀 渀愀洀攀 ∀䴀甀欀愀猀攀礀⸀∀ 吀栀攀渀 䤀 眀椀氀氀 甀琀琀攀爀 琀栀攀 眀漀爀搀 ∀吀漀爀琀甀爀攀⸀∀ 䄀渀搀 琀栀攀渀 䤀 眀椀氀氀 琀攀氀氀 琀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 倀愀爀琀礀 椀琀 挀愀渀 䬀椀猀猀⸀ 䴀礀⸀ ਀匀漀爀爀礀⸀ 䄀猀猀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀䈀攀椀渀最 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 椀猀 渀攀瘀攀爀 攀渀漀甀最栀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 猀漀洀攀琀椀洀攀猀 椀琀✀猀 瀀愀爀琀 漀昀 琀栀攀 瀀爀漀戀氀攀洀⸀ 吀栀愀琀✀猀 眀栀礀 洀礀 洀漀渀攀礀 愀渀搀 洀礀 攀昀昀漀爀琀 最漀 琀漀 琀栀攀 瀀爀漀洀漀琀椀漀渀 漀昀 猀瀀攀挀椀昀椀挀 ਀挀愀渀搀椀搀愀琀攀猀 眀栀漀 渀漀琀 漀渀氀礀 猀瀀攀愀欀 戀甀琀 愀挀琀 椀渀 愀挀挀漀爀搀愀渀挀攀 眀椀琀栀 琀栀攀 瀀爀椀渀挀椀瀀氀攀猀 䤀 栀漀氀搀 搀攀愀爀⸀ 䤀 猀甀最最攀猀琀 礀漀甀 最漀 琀栀愀琀 眀愀礀Ⰰ 琀漀漀⸀ 伀琀栀攀爀眀椀猀攀Ⰰ 礀漀甀爀 爀攀猀漀甀爀挀攀猀 洀愀礀 戀攀 琀甀爀渀攀搀 ਀愀最愀椀渀猀琀 礀漀甀⸀ ਀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀氀椀㸀吀栀攀 一愀琀椀漀渀愀氀 䰀愀眀礀攀爀猀 䜀甀椀氀搀 眀爀椀琀攀猀 琀栀愀琀 ∀椀洀瀀攀愀挀栀洀攀渀琀 椀猀 琀栀攀 漀渀氀礀 挀漀渀猀琀椀琀甀琀椀漀渀愀氀 洀攀琀栀漀搀 琀漀 瀀爀漀琀攀挀琀 䄀洀攀爀椀挀愀渀猀 昀爀漀洀 愀 瀀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀 椀渀琀攀渀琀 漀渀 愀戀甀猀椀渀最 瀀漀眀攀爀Ⰰ ਀瘀椀漀氀愀琀椀渀最 琀栀攀 挀漀渀猀琀椀琀甀琀椀漀渀Ⰰ 瘀椀漀氀愀琀椀渀最 琀栀攀 氀愀眀猀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 戀爀攀愀挀栀椀渀最 瀀甀戀氀椀挀 琀爀甀猀琀⸀∀ ਀㰀瀀㸀吀栀攀 琀漀漀氀 漀昀 椀洀瀀攀愀挀栀洀攀渀琀 眀愀猀 搀攀猀椀最渀攀搀 樀甀猀琀 昀漀爀 琀栀攀 猀漀爀琀 漀昀 栀椀猀琀漀爀椀挀愀氀 洀漀洀攀渀琀 琀栀攀 唀匀䄀 昀椀渀搀猀 椀琀猀攀氀昀 椀渀 爀椀最栀琀 渀漀眀Ⰰ 眀椀琀栀 愀渀 漀甀琀ⴀ漀昀ⴀ挀漀渀琀爀漀氀Ⰰ 眀椀氀搀氀礀 甀渀瀀漀瀀甀氀愀爀 ਀倀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀 眀栀漀 栀漀氀搀猀 栀椀洀猀攀氀昀 愀戀漀瘀攀 琀栀攀 氀愀眀Ⰰ 眀椀琀栀 挀漀渀琀攀洀瀀琀 昀漀爀 琀栀攀 䌀漀渀猀琀椀琀甀琀椀漀渀 愀渀搀 琀栀攀 氀椀戀攀爀琀椀攀猀 椀琀 瀀爀漀琀攀挀琀猀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀夀攀琀Ⰰ 琀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 氀攀愀搀攀爀猀栀椀瀀 椀渀 䌀漀渀最爀攀猀猀 椀渀猀椀猀琀猀 漀渀 猀焀甀攀氀挀栀椀渀最 琀栀攀 爀攀愀猀猀攀爀琀椀漀渀 漀昀 琀栀攀 愀甀琀栀漀爀椀琀礀 漀昀 琀栀攀 䌀漀渀猀琀椀琀甀琀椀漀渀 愀渀搀 琀栀攀 爀甀氀攀 漀昀 氀愀眀⸀ 吀栀攀 氀攀愀搀攀爀猀栀椀瀀 ਀漀昀 琀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 倀愀爀琀礀 挀愀氀氀猀 琀栀攀 洀攀爀攀 椀搀攀愀 漀昀 椀洀瀀攀愀挀栀洀攀渀琀 搀椀瘀椀猀椀瘀攀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀吀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 倀愀爀琀礀 渀攀攀搀猀 琀漀 戀攀 爀攀洀椀渀搀攀搀 琀栀愀琀 愀猀猀攀爀琀椀漀渀 漀昀 䌀漀渀猀琀椀琀甀琀椀漀渀愀氀 愀甀琀栀漀爀椀琀礀 搀漀攀猀 渀漀琀 搀椀瘀椀搀攀 䄀洀攀爀椀挀愀⸀ 伀渀 琀栀攀 挀漀渀琀爀愀爀礀Ⰰ 椀琀 椀猀 眀栀愀琀 欀攀攀瀀猀 䄀洀攀爀椀挀愀 ਀昀爀漀洀 昀愀氀氀椀渀最 愀瀀愀爀琀⸀ 吀栀攀爀攀 椀猀 渀漀 戀攀琀琀攀爀 爀攀愀猀漀渀 琀栀愀渀 琀栀愀琀 琀漀 爀攀昀漀爀洀 琀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 倀愀爀琀礀 戀攀 攀氀攀挀琀椀渀最 愀 瀀爀漀最爀攀猀猀椀瘀攀 挀愀渀搀椀搀愀琀攀 昀漀爀 倀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀 椀渀 ㈀  㠀⸀ ⠀匀漀甀爀挀攀㨀 ਀一愀琀椀漀渀愀氀 䰀愀眀礀攀爀猀 䜀甀椀氀搀Ⰰ 一漀瘀攀洀戀攀爀 㔀Ⰰ ㈀  㜀⤀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀氀椀㸀䄀 渀愀琀椀漀渀 挀愀渀渀漀琀 戀攀 昀爀攀攀 眀栀攀渀 琀栀攀 最漀瘀攀爀渀洀攀渀琀 栀愀猀 琀栀攀 愀戀椀氀椀琀礀 琀漀 挀漀攀爀挀攀 昀愀氀猀攀 挀漀渀昀攀猀猀椀漀渀猀 漀甀琀 漀昀 琀漀爀琀甀爀攀Ⰰ 漀爀 琀栀攀 昀攀愀爀 漀昀 琀漀爀琀甀爀攀⸀ 吀栀愀琀✀猀 眀栀礀 瀀爀漀琀攀挀琀椀漀渀 ਀愀最愀椀渀猀琀 挀爀甀攀氀 愀渀搀 甀渀甀猀甀愀氀 瀀甀渀椀猀栀洀攀渀琀猀 眀愀猀 椀渀挀氀甀搀攀搀 椀渀 琀栀攀 䈀椀氀氀 漀昀 刀椀最栀琀猀⸀ ਀㰀瀀㸀伀渀 一漀瘀攀洀戀攀爀 㠀Ⰰ ㈀  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琀栀 䌀漀渀最爀攀猀猀 琀栀愀琀 氀漀漀欀猀 愀琀 猀攀渀愀琀漀爀椀愀氀 挀漀猀瀀漀渀猀漀爀猀栀椀瀀猀 愀氀漀渀最 眀椀琀栀 瘀漀琀攀猀 漀渀 ਀椀洀瀀漀爀琀愀渀琀 椀猀猀甀攀猀 搀甀爀椀渀最 琀栀攀 琀攀渀 洀漀渀琀栀猀 漀昀 琀栀攀 挀甀爀爀攀渀琀 䌀漀渀最爀攀猀猀⸀ 䈀甀琀 琀栀攀爀攀 愀爀攀 猀漀洀攀 瘀漀琀攀猀 琀栀愀琀 愀爀攀 挀爀甀挀椀愀氀Ⰰ 猀琀爀攀琀挀栀椀渀最 漀甀琀 愀挀爀漀猀猀 氀漀渀最攀爀 瀀攀爀椀漀搀猀 漀昀 琀椀洀攀 愀渀搀 ਀椀渀瘀漀氀瘀椀渀最 匀攀渀愀琀漀爀猀 眀栀漀 愀爀攀 猀琀椀氀氀 愀爀漀甀渀搀 眀椀琀栀 甀猀 漀渀 琀栀攀 渀愀琀椀漀渀愀氀 猀挀攀渀攀⸀ 圀椀琀栀 琀栀愀琀 椀渀 洀椀渀搀Ⰰ 䤀✀瘀攀 挀漀洀攀 甀瀀 眀椀琀栀 愀 氀椀猀琀 漀昀 眀栀愀琀 䤀 挀愀氀氀 ∀甀渀昀漀爀最椀瘀愀戀氀攀 瘀漀琀攀猀∀㨀 瘀漀琀攀猀 ਀琀栀愀琀 渀漀 瀀爀漀最爀攀猀猀椀瘀攀 猀栀漀甀氀搀 栀愀瘀攀 琀愀欀攀渀⸀ 䤀 愀猀猀甀洀攀 琀栀愀琀 刀攀瀀甀戀氀椀挀愀渀猀 愀爀攀 甀渀昀漀爀最椀瘀愀戀氀攀Ⰰ 愀氀琀栀漀甀最栀 愀猀 礀漀甀✀氀氀 猀攀攀 戀攀氀漀眀 漀挀挀愀猀椀漀渀愀氀氀礀 漀渀攀 漀爀 琀眀漀 眀椀氀氀 琀攀洀瀀漀爀愀爀椀氀礀 ਀爀攀搀攀攀洀 琀栀攀洀猀攀氀瘀攀猀 漀渀 猀椀渀最氀攀 椀猀猀甀攀猀⸀ 䈀甀琀 琀漀 琀栀攀 攀砀琀攀渀琀 琀栀愀琀 琀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 倀愀爀琀礀 眀椀猀栀攀猀 琀漀 爀攀昀攀爀 琀漀 椀琀猀攀氀昀 愀猀 愀 瀀爀漀最爀攀猀猀椀瘀攀 瀀愀爀琀礀Ⰰ 琀栀攀猀攀 愀爀攀 瘀漀琀攀猀 琀栀愀琀 渀漀 ਀䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀 猀栀漀甀氀搀 栀愀瘀攀 琀愀欀攀渀⸀ 䌀氀椀挀欀 漀渀 琀栀攀 氀椀渀欀猀 戀攀氀漀眀 琀漀 昀椀渀搀 琀栀攀 爀漀氀氀ⴀ挀愀氀氀 瘀漀琀攀猀 琀栀攀洀猀攀氀瘀攀猀Ⰰ 愀氀漀渀最 眀椀琀栀 氀椀渀欀猀 琀漀 琀栀攀 愀猀猀漀挀椀愀琀攀搀 戀椀氀氀猀 椀渀 挀愀猀攀 礀漀甀✀搀 氀椀欀攀 琀漀 爀攀愀搀 ਀琀栀攀洀 昀漀爀 礀漀甀爀猀攀氀昀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀㄀⸀ 嘀漀琀攀 琀漀 䄀甀琀栀漀爀椀稀攀 圀愀爀 椀渀 䤀爀愀焀Ⰰ 伀挀琀漀戀攀爀 ㄀㄀ ㈀  ㈀Ⰰ ㄀㈀㨀㔀  䄀䴀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀刀攀瀀甀戀氀椀挀愀渀猀㨀 㐀㠀 夀攀猀Ⰰ ㄀ 一漀㰀䈀爀㸀 ਀䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀猀㨀 ㈀㤀 夀攀猀Ⰰ ㈀㄀ 一漀㰀戀爀㸀㰀䈀爀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 匀攀渀愀琀漀爀猀 猀琀椀氀氀 椀渀 琀栀攀 匀攀渀愀琀攀 眀栀漀 瘀漀琀攀搀 甀渀昀漀爀最椀瘀愀戀氀礀㨀 䴀愀砀 䈀愀甀挀甀猀Ⰰ 䔀瘀愀渀 䈀愀礀栀Ⰰ 䨀漀猀攀瀀栀 䈀椀搀攀渀Ⰰ 䴀愀爀椀愀 䌀愀渀琀眀攀氀氀Ⰰ 吀栀漀洀愀猀 䌀愀爀瀀攀爀Ⰰ 䠀椀氀氀愀爀礀 ਀䌀氀椀渀琀漀渀Ⰰ 䌀栀爀椀猀琀漀瀀栀攀爀 䐀漀搀搀Ⰰ 䈀礀爀漀渀 䐀漀爀最愀渀Ⰰ 䐀椀愀渀渀攀 䘀攀椀渀猀琀攀椀渀Ⰰ 吀漀洀 䠀愀爀欀椀渀Ⰰ 吀椀洀 䨀漀栀渀猀漀渀Ⰰ 䨀漀栀渀 䬀攀爀爀礀Ⰰ 䠀攀爀戀 䬀漀栀氀Ⰰ 䴀愀爀礀 䰀愀渀搀爀椀攀甀Ⰰ 䨀漀猀攀瀀栀 䰀椀攀戀攀爀洀愀渀Ⰰ 䈀攀渀 ਀一攀氀猀漀渀Ⰰ 䈀椀氀氀 一攀氀猀漀渀Ⰰ 䠀愀爀爀礀 刀攀椀搀Ⰰ 䨀愀礀 刀漀挀欀攀昀攀氀氀攀爀Ⰰ 䌀栀愀爀氀攀猀 匀挀栀甀洀攀爀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀㈀⸀ 䌀氀漀琀甀爀攀 嘀漀琀攀 漀渀 䈀愀渀欀爀甀瀀琀挀礀 䔀瘀椀猀挀攀爀愀琀椀漀渀 䈀椀氀氀Ⰰ 䴀愀爀挀栀 㠀 ㈀  㔀Ⰰ ㈀㨀㄀㘀 倀䴀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀刀攀瀀甀戀氀椀挀愀渀猀㨀 㔀㘀 夀攀猀Ⰰ   一漀㰀䈀爀㸀 ਀䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀猀㨀 ㄀㌀ 夀攀猀Ⰰ ㌀  一漀㰀䈀爀㸀㰀䈀爀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 匀攀渀愀琀漀爀猀 猀琀椀氀氀 椀渀 琀栀攀 匀攀渀愀琀攀 眀栀漀 瘀漀琀攀搀 甀渀昀漀爀最椀瘀愀戀氀礀㨀 䨀漀猀攀瀀栀 䈀椀搀攀渀Ⰰ 刀漀戀攀爀琀 䈀礀爀搀Ⰰ 吀栀漀洀愀猀 䌀愀爀瀀攀爀Ⰰ 䬀攀渀琀 䌀漀渀爀愀搀Ⰰ 吀椀洀 䨀漀栀渀猀漀渀Ⰰ 䠀攀爀戀 䬀漀栀氀Ⰰ ਀䴀愀爀礀 䰀愀渀搀爀椀攀甀Ⰰ 䨀漀猀攀瀀栀 䰀椀攀戀攀爀洀愀渀Ⰰ 䈀氀愀渀挀栀攀 䰀椀渀挀漀氀渀Ⰰ 䈀攀渀 一攀氀猀漀渀Ⰰ 䈀椀氀氀 一攀氀猀漀渀Ⰰ 䴀愀爀欀 倀爀礀漀爀Ⰰ 䬀攀渀 匀愀氀愀稀愀爀Ⰰ 䐀攀戀戀椀攀 匀琀愀戀攀渀漀眀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀㌀⸀ 嘀漀琀攀 琀漀 䌀漀渀昀椀爀洀 匀甀瀀爀攀洀攀 䌀漀甀爀琀 䌀栀椀攀昀 䨀甀猀琀椀挀攀 䨀漀栀渀 刀漀戀攀爀琀猀Ⰰ 匀攀瀀琀攀洀戀攀爀 ㈀㤀 ㈀  㔀Ⰰ ㄀㄀㨀㌀㄀ 䄀䴀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀刀攀瀀甀戀氀椀挀愀渀猀㨀 㔀㔀 夀攀猀Ⰰ   一漀㰀䈀爀㸀 ਀䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀猀㨀 ㈀㈀ 夀攀猀Ⰰ ㈀㈀ 一漀㰀䈀爀㸀㰀䈀爀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 匀攀渀愀琀漀爀猀 猀琀椀氀氀 椀渀 琀栀攀 匀攀渀愀琀攀 眀栀漀 瘀漀琀攀搀 甀渀昀漀爀最椀瘀愀戀氀礀㨀 䴀愀砀 䈀愀甀挀甀猀Ⰰ 䨀攀昀昀 䈀椀渀最愀洀愀渀Ⰰ 刀漀戀攀爀琀 䈀礀爀搀Ⰰ 吀栀漀洀愀猀 䌀愀爀瀀攀爀Ⰰ 䬀攀渀琀 䌀漀渀爀愀搀Ⰰ 䌀栀爀椀猀琀漀瀀栀攀爀 ਀䐀漀搀搀Ⰰ 䈀礀爀漀渀 䐀漀爀最愀渀Ⰰ 刀甀猀猀攀氀氀 䘀攀椀渀最漀氀搀Ⰰ 吀椀洀 䨀漀栀渀猀漀渀Ⰰ 䴀愀爀礀 䰀愀渀搀爀椀攀甀Ⰰ 倀愀琀爀椀挀欀 䰀攀愀栀礀Ⰰ 䨀漀猀攀瀀栀 䰀椀攀戀攀爀洀愀渀Ⰰ 䈀氀愀渀挀栀攀 䰀椀渀挀漀氀渀Ⰰ 倀愀琀琀礀 䴀甀爀爀愀礀Ⰰ 䈀攀渀 一攀氀猀漀渀Ⰰ 䈀椀氀氀 ਀一攀氀猀漀渀Ⰰ 䴀愀爀欀 倀爀礀漀爀Ⰰ 䨀愀礀 刀漀挀欀攀昀攀氀氀攀爀Ⰰ 䬀攀渀 匀愀氀愀稀愀爀Ⰰ 刀漀渀 圀礀搀攀渀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀㐀⸀ 嘀漀琀攀 琀漀 䌀漀渀昀椀爀洀 匀甀瀀爀攀洀攀 䌀漀甀爀琀 䨀甀猀琀椀挀攀 匀愀洀甀攀氀 䄀氀椀琀漀Ⰰ 䨀愀渀甀愀爀礀 ㌀㄀ ㈀  㘀Ⰰ ㄀㄀㨀 ㄀ 䄀䴀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀刀攀瀀甀戀氀椀挀愀渀猀㨀 㔀㐀 夀攀猀Ⰰ ㄀ 一漀㰀䈀爀㸀 ਀䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀猀㨀 㐀 夀攀猀Ⰰ 㐀㄀ 一漀㰀戀爀㸀㰀䈀爀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 匀攀渀愀琀漀爀猀 猀琀椀氀氀 椀渀 琀栀攀 匀攀渀愀琀攀 眀栀漀 瘀漀琀攀搀 甀渀昀漀爀最椀瘀愀戀氀礀㨀 刀漀戀攀爀琀 䈀礀爀搀Ⰰ 䬀攀渀琀 䌀漀渀爀愀搀Ⰰ 吀椀洀 䨀漀栀渀猀漀渀Ⰰ 䈀攀渀 一攀氀猀漀渀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀㔀⸀ 䴀椀氀椀琀愀爀礀 䌀漀洀洀椀猀猀椀漀渀猀 䄀挀琀Ⰰ 匀攀瀀琀攀洀戀攀爀 ㈀㠀 ㈀  㘀Ⰰ 㘀㨀㌀㜀 倀䴀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀刀攀瀀甀戀氀椀挀愀渀猀㨀 㔀㐀 夀攀猀Ⰰ ㄀ 一漀㰀䈀爀㸀 ਀䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀猀㨀 ㄀㄀ 夀攀猀Ⰰ ㌀㈀ 一漀㰀戀爀㸀㰀䈀爀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 匀攀渀愀琀漀爀猀 猀琀椀氀氀 椀渀 琀栀攀 匀攀渀愀琀攀 眀栀漀 瘀漀琀攀搀 甀渀昀漀爀最椀瘀愀戀氀礀㨀 吀栀漀洀愀猀 䌀愀爀瀀攀爀Ⰰ 吀椀洀 䨀漀栀渀猀漀渀Ⰰ 䴀愀爀礀 䰀愀渀搀爀椀攀甀Ⰰ 䘀爀愀渀欀 䰀愀甀琀攀渀戀攀爀最Ⰰ 䨀漀猀攀瀀栀 䰀椀攀戀攀爀洀愀渀Ⰰ ਀刀漀戀攀爀琀 䴀攀渀攀渀搀攀稀Ⰰ 䈀攀渀 一攀氀猀漀渀Ⰰ 䈀椀氀氀 一攀氀猀漀渀Ⰰ 䨀愀礀 刀漀挀欀攀昀攀氀氀攀爀Ⰰ 䬀攀渀 匀愀氀愀稀愀爀Ⰰ 䐀攀戀戀椀攀 匀琀愀戀攀渀漀眀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀㘀⸀ 倀爀漀琀攀挀琀 䄀洀攀爀椀挀愀 䄀挀琀Ⰰ 䄀甀最甀猀琀 ㌀ ㈀  㜀Ⰰ 㤀㨀㌀㜀 倀䴀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀刀攀瀀甀戀氀椀挀愀渀猀㨀 㐀㐀 夀攀猀Ⰰ   一漀㰀䈀爀㸀 ਀䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀猀㨀 ㄀㘀 夀攀猀Ⰰ ㈀㠀 一漀㰀䈀爀㸀㰀䈀爀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 匀攀渀愀琀漀爀猀 眀栀漀 瘀漀琀攀搀 甀渀昀漀爀最椀瘀愀戀氀礀㨀 䔀瘀愀渀 䈀愀礀栀Ⰰ 吀栀漀洀愀猀 䌀愀爀瀀攀爀Ⰰ 刀漀戀攀爀琀 䌀愀猀攀礀Ⰰ 䬀攀渀琀 䌀漀渀爀愀搀Ⰰ 䐀椀愀渀渀攀 䘀攀椀渀猀琀攀椀渀Ⰰ 䐀愀渀椀攀氀 䤀渀漀甀礀攀Ⰰ 䄀洀礀 ਀䬀氀漀戀甀挀栀愀爀Ⰰ 䴀愀爀礀 䰀愀渀搀爀椀攀甀Ⰰ 䨀漀猀攀瀀栀 䰀椀攀戀攀爀洀愀渀Ⰰ 䈀氀愀渀挀栀攀 䰀椀渀挀漀氀渀Ⰰ 䌀氀愀椀爀攀 䴀挀䌀愀猀欀椀氀氀Ⰰ 䈀愀爀戀愀爀愀 䴀椀欀甀氀猀欀椀Ⰰ 䈀攀渀 一攀氀猀漀渀Ⰰ 䈀椀氀氀 一攀氀猀漀渀Ⰰ 䴀愀爀欀 倀爀礀漀爀Ⰰ 䬀攀渀 匀愀氀愀稀愀爀Ⰰ 䨀椀洀 ਀圀攀戀戀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀㜀⸀ 䌀漀渀昀椀爀洀愀琀椀漀渀 漀昀 䴀椀挀栀愀攀氀 䴀甀欀愀猀攀礀 愀猀 䄀琀琀漀爀渀攀礀 䜀攀渀攀爀愀氀Ⰰ 一漀瘀攀洀戀攀爀 㠀 ㈀  㜀Ⰰ ㄀㄀㨀 㐀 倀䴀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀刀攀瀀甀戀氀椀挀愀渀猀㨀 㐀㘀 夀攀猀Ⰰ   一漀㰀䈀爀㸀 ਀䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀猀㨀 㜀 夀攀猀Ⰰ 㐀 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 㔀Ⰰ 愀 氀漀渀最 漀瘀攀爀搀甀攀 椀渀搀攀瀀攀渀搀攀渀琀 椀渀瘀攀猀琀椀最愀琀椀漀渀 漀昀 琀栀攀 䈀甀猀栀 䄀搀洀椀渀椀猀琀爀愀琀椀漀渀 眀愀猀 戀攀最甀渀⸀ 唀渀昀漀爀琀甀渀愀琀攀氀礀Ⰰ 椀琀 眀愀猀 渀漀琀 戀攀最甀渀 戀礀 琀栀攀 ਀䐀攀瀀愀爀琀洀攀渀琀 漀昀 䨀甀猀琀椀挀攀Ⰰ 漀爀 戀礀 琀栀攀 唀渀椀琀攀搀 匀琀愀琀攀猀 䌀漀渀最爀攀猀猀⸀ 一漀Ⰰ 琀栀攀 椀渀搀攀瀀攀渀搀攀渀琀 椀渀瘀攀猀琀椀最愀琀椀漀渀 眀愀猀 戀攀最甀渀 戀礀 愀 䌀椀琀椀稀攀渀猀 昀漀爀 刀攀猀瀀漀渀猀椀戀椀氀椀琀礀 愀渀搀 䔀琀栀椀挀猀 椀渀 ਀圀愀猀栀椀渀最琀漀渀Ⰰ 愀氀猀漀 欀渀漀眀渀 戀礀 琀栀攀 愀挀爀漀渀礀洀 䌀刀䔀圀⸀ ਀㰀瀀㸀䌀刀䔀圀 爀攀焀甀攀猀琀攀搀Ⰰ 琀栀爀漀甀最栀 愀 猀攀爀椀攀猀 漀昀 䘀爀攀攀搀漀洀 漀昀 䤀渀昀漀爀洀愀琀椀漀渀 䄀挀琀 爀攀焀甀攀猀琀猀 琀漀 ㈀㈀ 昀攀搀攀爀愀氀 愀最攀渀挀椀攀猀Ⰰ 愀氀氀 挀漀渀琀爀愀挀琀猀 琀栀愀琀 琀栀攀 䈀甀猀栀 䄀搀洀椀渀椀猀琀爀愀琀椀漀渀 栀愀猀 洀愀搀攀 ਀眀椀琀栀 瀀甀戀氀椀挀 爀攀氀愀琀椀漀渀猀 昀椀爀洀猀⸀ 吀栀攀猀攀 爀攀焀甀攀猀琀猀 眀攀爀攀 洀愀搀攀 椀渀 爀攀猀瀀漀渀猀攀 琀漀 爀攀瘀攀氀愀琀椀漀渀猀 琀栀愀琀 琀栀攀 䈀甀猀栀 䄀搀洀椀渀椀猀琀爀愀琀椀漀渀 栀愀搀 瀀愀椀搀 漀瘀攀爀 ㈀㐀 Ⰰ    搀漀氀氀愀爀猀 椀渀 琀愀砀瀀愀礀攀爀 ਀洀漀渀攀礀 愀猀 愀 戀爀椀戀攀 琀漀 挀漀渀猀攀爀瘀愀琀椀瘀攀 琀攀氀攀瘀椀猀椀漀渀Ⰰ 爀愀搀椀漀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 渀攀眀猀瀀愀瀀攀爀 瀀攀爀猀漀渀愀氀椀琀礀 䄀爀洀猀琀爀漀渀最 圀椀氀氀椀愀洀猀⸀ 䤀渀 爀攀琀甀爀渀 昀漀爀 琀栀攀 琀愀砀瀀愀礀攀爀猀✀ 洀漀渀攀礀Ⰰ 琀栀攀 䈀甀猀栀 ਀䄀搀洀椀渀椀猀琀爀愀琀椀漀渀 爀攀焀甀椀爀攀搀 圀椀氀氀椀愀洀猀 琀漀 瀀爀漀洀漀琀攀 琀栀攀 刀攀瀀甀戀氀椀挀愀渀猀✀ 攀搀甀挀愀琀椀漀渀 瀀漀氀椀挀椀攀猀 搀甀爀椀渀最 琀栀攀 瀀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀椀愀氀 攀氀攀挀琀椀漀渀 挀愀洀瀀愀椀最渀猀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀䤀 眀愀猀 最氀愀搀 琀漀 猀攀攀 愀 渀漀渀ⴀ最漀瘀攀爀渀洀攀渀琀愀氀 漀爀最愀渀椀稀愀琀椀漀渀 漀昀 琀栀攀 猀琀愀渀搀椀渀最 漀昀 䌀椀琀椀稀攀渀猀 昀漀爀 刀攀猀瀀漀渀猀椀戀椀氀椀琀礀 愀渀搀 䔀琀栀椀挀猀 挀漀渀搀甀挀琀椀渀最 愀渀 椀渀搀攀瀀攀渀搀攀渀琀 椀渀瘀攀猀琀椀最愀琀椀漀渀 漀昀 ਀挀氀攀愀爀氀礀 挀爀椀洀椀渀愀氀 愀挀琀猀 戀礀 琀栀攀 䈀甀猀栀 圀栀椀琀攀 䠀漀甀猀攀⸀ 䠀漀眀攀瘀攀爀Ⰰ 䤀 眀愀猀 瀀爀漀昀漀甀渀搀氀礀 搀椀猀愀瀀瀀漀椀渀琀攀搀 琀栀愀琀 渀漀 漀渀攀 攀氀猀攀 眀愀猀 眀椀氀氀椀渀最 琀漀 搀漀 琀栀攀 樀漀戀⸀ 一漀 漀渀攀 椀渀 琀栀攀 唀渀椀琀攀搀 ਀匀琀愀琀攀猀 䌀漀渀最爀攀猀猀Ⰰ 刀攀瀀甀戀氀椀挀愀渀 漀爀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀Ⰰ 栀愀搀 戀攀最甀渀 猀甀挀栀 愀渀 椀渀瘀攀猀琀椀最愀琀椀漀渀Ⰰ 攀瘀攀渀 琀栀漀甀最栀 猀甀挀栀 漀瘀攀爀猀椀最栀琀 椀猀 琀栀攀 樀漀戀 漀昀 琀栀攀 䌀漀渀最爀攀猀猀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀਀㰀瀀㸀䤀渀 ㈀  㠀Ⰰ 眀攀 渀攀攀搀 琀漀 瀀甀猀栀 琀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 倀愀爀琀礀 琀漀 戀攀 氀攀猀猀 瀀爀漀琀攀挀琀椀瘀攀 漀昀 琀栀攀 瀀漀眀攀爀 漀昀 椀琀猀 瀀漀氀椀琀椀挀椀愀渀猀 愀渀搀 洀漀爀攀 愀挀琀椀瘀攀 椀渀 椀琀猀 搀攀昀攀渀猀攀 漀昀 琀栀攀 爀椀最栀琀 漀昀 琀栀攀 ਀䄀洀攀爀椀挀愀渀 瀀攀漀瀀氀攀 琀漀 栀愀瘀攀 栀漀渀攀猀琀 愀渀搀 氀愀眀昀甀氀 爀攀瀀爀攀猀攀渀琀愀琀椀漀渀 椀渀 圀愀猀栀椀渀最琀漀渀 䐀⸀䌀⸀  䤀琀✀猀 甀瀀 琀漀 瘀漀琀攀爀猀 琀漀 瀀爀漀瘀漀欀攀 琀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀猀 椀渀琀漀 愀挀琀椀漀渀 ⴀ 戀礀 猀甀瀀瀀漀爀琀椀渀最 琀栀攀椀爀 ਀瀀爀漀最爀攀猀猀椀瘀攀 瀀漀氀椀琀椀挀椀愀渀猀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 眀椀琀栀栀漀氀搀椀渀最 猀甀瀀瀀漀爀琀 昀爀漀洀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 瀀漀氀椀琀椀挀椀愀渀猀 眀栀漀 昀愀椀氀 琀漀 甀瀀栀漀氀搀 琀栀攀 瀀爀漀最爀攀猀猀椀瘀攀 瘀愀氀甀攀 漀昀 漀瀀攀渀 最漀瘀攀爀渀洀攀渀琀⸀  ⠀匀漀甀爀挀攀㨀 㰀䄀 ਀栀爀攀昀㴀∀栀琀琀瀀㨀⼀⼀眀眀眀⸀挀椀琀椀稀攀渀猀昀漀爀攀琀栀椀挀猀⸀漀爀最⼀∀㸀䌀椀琀椀稀攀渀猀 昀漀爀 䔀琀栀椀挀猀 愀渀搀 刀攀猀瀀漀渀猀椀戀椀氀椀琀礀 椀渀 圀愀猀栀椀渀最琀漀渀㰀⼀愀㸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀氀椀㸀夀漀甀 洀愀礀 栀愀瘀攀 渀漀琀椀挀攀搀 琀栀攀爀攀✀猀 渀漀琀 洀甀挀栀 眀爀椀琀琀攀渀 栀攀爀攀 愀戀漀甀琀 䴀椀欀攀 䜀爀愀瘀攀氀⸀ 吀栀愀琀 椀猀Ⰰ 椀渀 瀀愀爀琀Ⰰ 戀攀挀愀甀猀攀 琀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 瀀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀椀愀氀 挀愀渀搀椀搀愀琀攀 栀愀猀 渀漀琀 栀愀搀 洀甀挀栀 ਀渀攀眀 琀漀 猀愀礀 猀椀渀挀攀 栀攀 戀攀最愀渀 栀椀猀 挀愀洀瀀愀椀最渀 ⠀漀渀氀礀 漀渀攀 戀氀漀最 瀀漀猀琀 椀渀 琀眀漀 洀漀渀琀栀猀Ⰰ 昀漀爀 攀砀愀洀瀀氀攀⤀⸀ 䈀甀琀 椀琀✀猀 愀氀猀漀 戀攀挀愀甀猀攀 䜀爀愀瘀攀氀 氀攀昀琀 猀甀挀栀 愀 猀漀甀爀 琀愀猀琀攀 椀渀 洀礀 洀漀甀琀栀 眀椀琀栀 ਀栀椀猀 挀漀洀洀攀渀琀猀 椀渀 琀栀攀 匀攀瀀琀攀洀戀攀爀 ㈀  㜀 瀀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀椀愀氀 搀攀戀愀琀攀㨀 ਀㰀戀氀漀挀欀焀甀漀琀攀㸀吀䤀䴀 刀唀匀匀䔀刀吀㨀 䤀 眀愀渀琀 琀漀 愀猀欀 匀攀渀愀琀漀爀 䜀爀愀瘀攀氀⸀ 夀漀甀 琀愀氀欀 愀戀漀甀琀 爀甀渀渀椀渀最 昀漀爀 瀀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀 漀昀 琀栀攀 唀渀椀琀攀搀 匀琀愀琀攀猀⸀ 䤀渀 ㄀㤀㠀  礀漀甀爀 挀漀渀搀漀 戀甀猀椀渀攀猀猀 眀攀渀琀 ਀戀愀渀欀爀甀瀀琀⸀ ਀㰀瀀㸀䴀䤀䬀䔀 䜀刀䄀嘀䔀䰀㨀 䌀漀爀爀攀挀琀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀刀唀匀匀䔀刀吀㨀 䤀渀 ㈀  㐀 礀漀甀 昀椀氀攀搀 昀漀爀 瀀攀爀猀漀渀愀氀 戀愀渀欀爀甀瀀琀挀礀  㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀䜀刀䄀嘀䔀䰀㨀 䌀漀爀爀攀挀琀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀刀唀匀匀䔀刀吀㨀   氀攀愀瘀椀渀最 ␀㠀㔀Ⰰ    椀渀 挀爀攀搀椀琀 戀椀氀氀猀 甀渀瀀愀椀搀⸀ 䠀漀眀 挀愀渀 猀漀洀攀漀渀攀 眀栀漀 搀椀搀 渀漀琀 琀愀欀攀 挀愀爀攀 漀昀 栀椀猀 戀甀猀椀渀攀猀猀Ⰰ 挀漀甀氀搀 渀漀琀 洀愀渀愀最攀 栀椀猀 漀眀渀 瀀攀爀猀漀渀愀氀 昀椀渀愀渀挀攀猀Ⰰ ਀猀愀礀 琀栀愀琀 栀攀✀猀 挀愀瀀愀戀氀攀 漀昀 洀愀渀愀最椀渀最 琀栀攀 挀漀甀渀琀爀礀㼀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀䜀刀䄀嘀䔀䰀㨀 圀攀氀氀Ⰰ 昀椀爀猀琀 漀昀昀Ⰰ 椀昀 礀漀甀 眀愀渀琀 琀漀 洀愀欀攀 愀 樀甀搀最洀攀渀琀 漀昀 眀栀漀 挀愀渀 戀攀 琀栀攀 最爀攀攀搀椀攀猀琀 瀀攀漀瀀氀攀 椀渀 琀栀攀 眀漀爀氀搀 眀栀攀渀 琀栀攀礀 最攀琀 琀漀 瀀甀戀氀椀挀 漀昀昀椀挀攀Ⰰ 礀漀甀 挀漀甀氀搀 樀甀猀琀 ਀氀漀漀欀 甀瀀 愀琀 琀栀攀 瀀攀漀瀀氀攀 甀瀀 栀攀爀攀⸀ 䴀漀渀攀礀   洀愀渀礀 漀昀 琀栀攀洀 搀漀渀攀 瘀攀爀礀Ⰰ 瘀攀爀礀 眀攀氀氀 椀渀 瀀甀戀氀椀挀 漀昀昀椀挀攀⸀ 䤀 氀攀昀琀 琀栀攀 匀攀渀愀琀攀 渀漀 戀攀琀琀攀爀 琀栀愀渀 眀栀攀渀 䤀 眀攀渀琀 椀渀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀一漀眀Ⰰ 礀漀甀 猀愀礀 琀栀攀 挀漀渀搀漀 戀甀猀椀渀攀猀猀⸀ 䤀✀氀氀 琀攀氀氀 礀漀甀Ⰰ 䐀漀渀愀氀搀 吀爀甀洀瀀 栀愀猀 戀攀攀渀 戀愀渀欀爀甀瀀琀 愀 栀甀渀搀爀攀搀 琀椀洀攀猀⸀ 匀漀 䤀 眀攀渀琀 戀愀渀欀爀甀瀀琀 漀渀挀攀 椀渀 戀甀猀椀渀攀猀猀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀䄀渀搀 琀栀攀 漀琀栀攀爀   眀栀漀 搀椀搀 䤀 戀愀渀欀爀甀瀀琀㼀 䤀 猀琀甀挀欀 琀栀攀 挀爀攀搀椀琀 挀愀爀搀 挀漀洀瀀愀渀椀攀猀 眀椀琀栀 ␀㤀 Ⰰ    眀漀爀琀栀 漀昀 戀椀氀氀猀⸀ 䄀渀搀 琀栀攀礀 搀攀猀攀爀瘀攀搀 椀琀Ⰰ 戀攀挀愀甀猀攀 䤀 甀猀攀搀 琀栀攀 洀漀渀攀礀⸀ 吀栀攀礀 ਀搀攀猀攀爀瘀攀搀 椀琀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 䤀 甀猀攀搀 琀栀攀 洀漀渀攀礀 琀漀 昀椀渀愀渀挀攀 琀栀攀 攀洀瀀漀眀攀爀洀攀渀琀 漀昀 琀栀攀 䄀洀攀爀椀挀愀渀 瀀攀漀瀀氀攀 眀椀琀栀 琀栀攀 一愀琀椀漀渀愀氀 䤀渀椀琀椀愀琀椀瘀攀Ⰰ 猀漀 礀漀甀 挀愀渀 洀愀欀攀 琀栀攀 氀愀眀猀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀㰀⼀ ਀戀氀漀挀欀焀甀漀琀攀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀伀爀 愀猀 䜀爀愀瘀攀氀 攀砀瀀爀攀猀猀攀搀 栀椀洀猀攀氀昀 琀漀 愀 爀攀瀀漀爀琀攀爀 昀漀爀 匀愀氀漀渀⸀挀漀洀㨀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀㰀椀㸀∀䤀 琀栀漀甀最栀琀 愀戀漀甀琀 椀琀㨀  䴀礀 䜀漀搀Ⰰ 椀猀渀✀琀 琀栀椀猀 椀渀琀攀爀攀猀琀椀渀最㼀 䤀✀洀 最漀椀渀最 琀漀 最攀琀 琀栀攀猀攀 猀椀砀 挀爀攀搀椀琀 挀愀爀搀 挀漀洀瀀愀渀椀攀猀 眀栀漀 栀愀瘀攀 戀攀攀渀 瀀爀攀搀愀琀漀爀猀 漀渀 渀漀爀洀愀氀 瀀攀漀瀀氀攀⸀ 䤀✀洀 ਀最漀椀渀最 琀漀 最攀琀 琀栀攀洀 琀漀 挀漀渀琀爀椀戀甀琀攀 琀漀 琀栀攀 一愀琀椀漀渀愀氀 䤀渀椀琀椀愀琀椀瘀攀⸀✀ 䄀渀搀 䤀 昀椀氀攀搀 戀愀渀欀爀甀瀀琀挀礀 樀甀猀琀 椀渀 愀 栀攀愀爀琀戀攀愀琀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 琀栀愀琀 眀愀猀 椀琀⸀∀㰀⼀椀㸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀圀栀攀渀 礀漀甀 愀搀搀 琀栀椀猀 琀漀 琀栀攀 挀漀渀猀椀搀攀爀愀琀椀漀渀 琀栀愀琀 䴀椀欀攀 䜀爀愀瘀攀氀 眀漀渀 栀椀猀 漀爀椀最椀渀愀氀 匀攀渀愀琀攀 戀椀搀 戀礀 洀椀猀爀攀瀀爀攀猀攀渀琀椀渀最 栀椀猀 瀀漀猀椀琀椀漀渀 漀渀 琀栀攀 嘀椀攀琀渀愀洀 眀愀爀Ⰰ 䤀 搀漀渀✀琀 欀渀漀眀 ਀栀漀眀 䤀 挀漀甀氀搀 琀爀甀猀琀 䴀椀欀攀 䜀爀愀瘀攀氀 椀渀 琀栀攀 瀀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀挀礀⸀ 䠀攀 戀攀愀琀 栀椀猀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 爀椀瘀愀氀 昀漀爀 琀栀攀 匀攀渀愀琀攀 戀愀挀欀 椀渀 琀栀攀 ㄀㤀㘀 猀 戀礀 瀀漀爀琀爀愀礀椀渀最 栀椀洀猀攀氀昀 愀猀 瀀爀漀ⴀ眀愀爀㬀 栀攀 昀椀渀愀渀挀攀搀 ਀栀椀猀 搀甀戀椀漀甀猀 一愀琀椀漀渀愀氀 䤀渀椀琀椀愀琀椀瘀攀 猀挀栀攀洀攀 椀渀 琀栀椀猀 搀攀挀愀搀攀 戀礀 爀攀渀攀最椀渀最 漀渀 栀椀猀 瀀爀漀洀椀猀攀 琀漀 瀀愀礀 戀愀挀欀 氀漀愀渀猀⸀ 圀栀漀 攀氀猀攀 眀漀甀氀搀 栀攀 琀甀爀渀 愀爀漀甀渀搀 漀渀 琀漀 ∀猀琀椀挀欀 椀琀 琀漀  攀洀∀㼀 ਀圀栀愀琀 攀氀猀攀 眀漀甀氀搀 栀攀 猀愀礀 琀栀愀琀 搀椀搀渀✀琀 洀攀愀渀㼀 圀漀甀氀搀 栀攀 戀愀渀欀爀甀瀀琀 琀栀攀 挀漀甀渀琀爀礀 琀漀 瀀甀爀猀甀攀 愀渀 椀搀攀愀 琀栀愀琀 眀愀猀渀✀琀 瀀漀瀀甀氀愀爀 攀渀漀甀最栀 琀漀 戀攀 昀甀渀搀攀搀 漀渀 琀栀攀 洀攀爀椀琀猀㼀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀䤀 欀渀漀眀 琀栀愀琀 䴀椀欀攀 䜀爀愀瘀攀氀 洀漀甀琀栀猀 猀漀洀攀 眀漀爀搀猀 琀栀愀琀 洀愀欀攀 瀀攀漀瀀氀攀 愀最愀椀渀猀琀 眀愀爀 昀攀攀氀 戀攀琀琀攀爀Ⰰ 氀椀欀攀 琀栀攀 瀀爀漀洀椀猀攀 琀栀愀琀 栀攀 挀漀甀氀搀 洀愀最椀挀愀氀氀礀 最攀琀 愀氀氀 琀栀攀 琀爀漀漀瀀猀 栀漀洀攀 ਀昀爀漀洀 䤀爀愀焀 戀礀 琀栀椀猀 䌀栀爀椀猀琀洀愀猀⸀ 䤀 欀渀漀眀 琀栀愀琀 栀攀 洀漀甀琀栀猀 琀栀攀猀攀 眀漀爀搀猀 氀漀甀搀氀礀 愀渀搀 眀椀琀栀 愀瀀瀀愀爀攀渀琀 昀攀攀氀椀渀最⸀ 䈀甀琀 䤀 搀漀渀✀琀 欀渀漀眀 眀栀漀 䴀椀欀攀 爀攀愀氀氀礀 椀猀⸀ 䈀爀攀愀欀椀渀最 瀀爀漀洀椀猀攀猀 ਀椀猀 渀漀琀 椀搀攀愀氀椀猀琀椀挀⸀ 䐀攀挀攀瀀琀椀漀渀 椀猀 渀漀琀 瀀爀漀最爀攀猀猀椀瘀攀⸀ 䴀椀欀攀 䜀爀愀瘀攀氀 椀猀 渀漀琀 洀礀 挀愀渀搀椀搀愀琀攀⸀  ⠀匀漀甀爀挀攀猀㨀 匀攀瀀琀攀洀戀攀爀 ㈀㔀 ㈀  㜀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 倀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀椀愀氀 䐀攀戀愀琀攀㬀 匀愀氀漀渀⸀挀漀洀 ਀䴀愀礀 㜀 ㈀  㜀㬀 一倀刀 一攀眀猀 匀攀瀀琀攀洀戀攀爀 ㌀  ㈀  㜀⤀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀氀椀㸀䤀渀 一漀瘀攀洀戀攀爀 ㈀  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 㠀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀䤀昀 礀漀甀 眀愀渀琀 琀漀 戀攀 挀愀瀀琀甀爀攀搀 氀椀欀攀 琀栀椀猀Ⰰ 椀昀 礀漀甀 眀愀渀琀 琀漀 戀攀 瀀甀氀氀攀搀 椀渀琀漀 瘀漀氀甀渀琀攀攀爀 挀漀洀洀椀琀琀攀攀 眀漀爀欀 愀渀搀 瀀攀琀椀琀椀漀渀 搀爀椀瘀攀猀 愀渀搀 瀀爀攀挀椀渀挀琀 洀攀攀琀椀渀最猀Ⰰ 椀昀 礀漀甀 眀愀渀琀 琀漀 戀攀 ਀眀漀爀欀攀搀 琀漀 琀栀攀 戀漀渀攀 琀漀 戀甀椀氀搀 甀瀀 琀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 倀愀爀琀礀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 椀昀 礀漀甀 琀栀攀渀 眀愀渀琀 琀漀 戀攀 椀最渀漀爀攀搀 眀栀攀渀 礀漀甀爀 瀀爀漀琀攀猀琀猀 搀漀渀✀琀 洀愀琀挀栀 琀栀攀 瀀氀愀渀猀 漀昀 瀀愀爀琀礀 氀攀愀搀攀爀猀Ⰰ 琀栀攀渀 戀礀 ਀愀氀氀 洀攀愀渀猀 樀漀椀渀 琀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 倀愀爀琀礀 愀渀搀 搀漀 礀漀甀爀 戀椀琀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀伀琀栀攀爀眀椀猀攀Ⰰ 搀椀琀挀栀 琀栀攀 瀀愀爀琀礀⸀  匀甀瀀瀀漀爀琀 愀渀搀 瘀漀氀甀渀琀攀攀爀 昀漀爀 椀渀搀椀瘀椀搀甀愀氀 挀愀渀搀椀搀愀琀攀猀 礀漀甀 戀攀氀椀攀瘀攀 椀渀⸀  䈀甀琀 搀椀琀挀栀 琀栀攀 瀀愀爀琀礀⸀  刀攀昀漀爀洀 琀栀攀洀 戀礀 氀攀愀瘀椀渀最 琀栀攀洀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 ਀洀愀欀椀渀最 礀漀甀爀 猀甀瀀瀀漀爀琀 昀漀爀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀猀 攀砀琀爀攀洀攀氀礀 猀攀氀攀挀琀椀瘀攀 ⴀ 愀渀搀 搀漀渀✀琀 昀攀攀氀 愀 猀琀椀琀挀栀 漀昀 最甀椀氀琀 愀戀漀甀琀 搀漀椀渀最 猀漀⸀  䄀昀琀攀爀 愀氀氀Ⰰ 琀栀攀 瀀愀爀琀礀 愀氀爀攀愀搀礀 搀椀琀挀栀攀搀 礀漀甀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀氀椀㸀䤀渀 琀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 倀愀爀琀礀 瀀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀椀愀氀 挀愀渀搀椀搀愀琀攀猀✀ 搀攀戀愀琀攀 漀昀 一漀瘀攀洀戀攀爀 ㄀㔀 ㈀  㜀Ⰰ 䠀椀氀氀愀爀礀 䌀氀椀渀琀漀渀 攀砀瀀氀愀椀渀攀搀 眀栀礀 猀栀攀 ∀愀最爀攀攀搀 挀漀洀瀀氀攀琀攀氀礀∀ 琀栀愀琀 渀愀琀椀漀渀愀氀 ਀猀攀挀甀爀椀琀礀 眀愀猀 洀漀爀攀 椀洀瀀漀爀琀愀渀琀 琀栀愀渀 栀甀洀愀渀 爀椀最栀琀猀㨀 ∀䤀 洀攀愀渀Ⰰ 琀栀攀 昀椀爀猀琀 漀戀氀椀最愀琀椀漀渀 漀昀 琀栀攀 倀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀 漀昀 琀栀攀 唀渀椀琀攀搀 匀琀愀琀攀猀 椀猀 琀漀 瀀爀漀琀攀挀琀 愀渀搀 搀攀昀攀渀搀 琀栀攀 唀渀椀琀攀搀 匀琀愀琀攀猀 ਀漀昀 䄀洀攀爀椀挀愀⸀∀ ਀㰀瀀㸀䐀攀渀渀椀猀 䬀甀挀椀渀椀挀栀 栀愀猀 椀猀猀甀攀搀 愀 爀攀琀漀爀琀 琀漀 䠀椀氀氀愀爀礀 䌀氀椀渀琀漀渀✀猀 挀氀愀椀洀㨀 ∀䤀琀✀猀 椀洀瀀漀爀琀愀渀琀 琀栀攀 瀀攀漀瀀氀攀 爀攀洀攀洀戀攀爀 琀栀攀 樀漀戀 漀昀 琀栀攀椀爀 倀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀 椀猀 琀漀 瀀爀漀琀攀挀琀 愀渀搀 搀攀昀攀渀搀 漀甀爀 ਀䌀漀渀猀琀椀琀甀琀椀漀渀⸀ 一漀 漀渀攀 椀猀 愀戀漀瘀攀 琀栀攀 氀愀眀 漀昀 琀栀攀 氀愀渀搀 愀渀搀 琀栀攀 爀甀氀攀 漀昀 氀愀眀 洀甀猀琀 戀攀 愀瀀瀀氀椀攀搀 攀焀甀愀氀氀礀⸀∀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀䐀攀渀渀椀猀 䬀甀挀椀渀椀挀栀 椀猀 洀愀欀椀渀最 琀栀攀 瀀爀漀最爀攀猀猀椀瘀攀 挀愀猀攀⸀ 䄀渀搀 椀昀 礀漀甀 氀漀漀欀 愀琀 琀栀攀 䌀漀渀猀琀椀琀甀琀椀漀渀 椀琀猀攀氀昀Ⰰ 眀栀椀挀栀 搀攀猀挀爀椀戀攀猀 琀栀攀 搀甀琀椀攀猀 愀渀搀 漀愀琀栀猀 漀昀 琀栀攀 瀀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀挀礀Ⰰ 礀漀甀✀氀氀 ਀猀攀攀 栀攀✀猀 爀椀最栀琀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀瀀㸀伀栀Ⰰ 戀甀琀 䬀甀挀椀渀椀挀栀 栀愀猀 昀甀渀渀礀 攀愀爀猀⸀ 䄀爀攀 礀漀甀 最漀椀渀最 琀漀 瘀漀琀攀 昀漀爀 琀栀攀 挀愀渀搀椀搀愀琀攀 眀栀漀 椀猀 爀椀最栀琀 漀渀 琀栀攀 琀栀攀 戀愀氀愀渀挀攀 漀昀 渀愀琀椀漀渀愀氀 猀攀挀甀爀椀琀礀 愀渀搀 琀栀攀 栀甀洀愀渀 爀椀最栀琀猀 ਀攀渀猀栀爀椀渀攀搀 椀渀 琀栀攀 䌀漀渀猀琀椀琀甀琀椀漀渀㼀 伀爀 愀爀攀 礀漀甀 最漀椀渀最 琀漀 瘀漀琀攀 昀漀爀 琀栀攀 挀愀渀搀椀搀愀琀攀 眀栀漀 搀漀攀猀渀✀琀 栀愀瘀攀 昀甀渀渀礀 攀愀爀猀㼀 ⠀匀漀甀爀挀攀㨀 匀攀愀挀漀愀猀琀 伀渀氀椀渀攀 一漀瘀攀洀戀攀爀 ㈀㄀ ㈀  㜀⤀㰀⼀瀀㸀 ਀㰀氀椀㸀䄀 昀攀眀 搀愀礀猀 愀最漀Ⰰ 䤀 最漀琀 愀渀 攀洀愀椀氀 昀爀漀洀 䨀愀洀攀猀 䌀愀爀瘀椀氀氀攀Ⰰ 琀栀攀 瀀漀氀椀琀椀挀愀氀 挀漀渀猀甀氀琀愀渀琀 眀栀漀 戀爀漀甀最栀琀 琀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀猀 眀漀爀琀栀氀攀猀猀 爀椀最栀琀 眀椀渀最 洀攀洀戀攀爀猀 漀昀 䌀漀渀最爀攀猀猀 氀椀欀攀 ਀匀攀渀愀琀漀爀 娀攀氀氀 䴀椀氀氀攀爀⸀ ਀㰀瀀㸀䌀愀爀瘀椀氀氀攀 猀愀椀搀 ∀䤀✀洀 渀漀琀 最漀椀渀最 琀漀 猀甀最愀爀挀漀愀琀 椀琀⸀∀ 䠀攀 愀搀洀椀琀琀攀搀 琀栀愀琀 琀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 䌀漀渀最爀攀猀猀 䄀洀攀爀椀挀愀 攀氀攀挀琀攀搀 椀渀 ㈀  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猀 琀栀愀琀 昀甀攀氀 攀昀昀椀挀椀攀渀挀礀 猀琀愀渀搀愀爀搀猀 栀愀搀 戀攀攀渀 甀瀀搀愀琀攀搀⸀ 吀栀攀 氀攀最椀猀氀愀琀椀漀渀 眀漀甀氀搀 愀氀猀漀 栀愀瘀攀 猀琀爀攀渀最琀栀攀渀攀搀 洀愀爀欀攀琀猀 椀渀 挀氀攀愀渀Ⰰ 愀氀琀攀爀渀愀琀椀瘀攀 攀氀攀挀琀爀椀挀愀氀 攀渀攀爀最礀 戀礀 爀攀焀甀椀爀椀渀最 ㄀㔀 瀀攀爀挀攀渀琀 漀昀 䄀洀攀爀椀挀愀渀 瀀漀眀攀爀 琀漀 挀漀洀攀 昀爀漀洀 爀攀渀攀眀愀戀氀攀 猀漀甀爀挀攀猀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀਀਀㰀瀀㸀䔀瘀愀渀 䈀愀礀栀Ⰰ 刀漀戀攀爀琀 䈀礀爀搀 愀渀搀 䴀愀爀礀 䰀愀渀搀爀椀攀甀 栀攀氀瀀攀搀 琀漀 欀椀氀氀 琀栀攀 戀椀氀氀⸀ 吀栀愀琀✀猀 渀漀琀 眀栀愀琀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀猀 攀氀攀挀琀 琀栀攀椀爀 瀀漀氀椀琀椀挀椀愀渀猀 琀漀 搀漀⸀ 匀漀Ⰰ 渀漀眀 椀琀✀猀 甀瀀 琀漀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 瘀漀琀攀爀猀 椀渀 䤀渀搀椀愀渀愀Ⰰ 圀攀猀琀 嘀椀爀最椀渀椀愀 愀渀搀 䰀漀甀椀猀椀愀渀愀 琀漀 爀攀洀攀洀戀攀爀 琀栀椀猀 戀攀琀爀愀礀愀氀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 瘀漀琀攀 愀挀挀漀爀搀椀渀最氀礀 眀栀攀渀 琀栀攀椀爀 猀攀渀愀琀漀爀猀 愀爀攀 渀攀砀琀 甀瀀 昀漀爀 爀攀ⴀ攀氀攀挀琀椀漀渀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀਀਀㰀瀀㸀圀栀攀琀栀攀爀 眀攀 愀爀攀 爀攀瀀爀攀猀攀渀琀攀搀 戀礀 琀栀攀 瀀愀爀琀椀挀甀氀愀爀 猀攀渀愀琀漀爀猀 漀爀 渀漀琀Ⰰ 眀攀 愀氀氀 挀愀渀 琀愀欀攀 愀 氀攀猀猀漀渀 漀渀 琀栀椀猀 昀愀椀氀甀爀攀 漀昀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 瀀漀氀椀琀椀挀椀愀渀猀 琀漀 愀挀琀 愀猀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 瀀漀氀椀琀椀挀椀愀渀猀 漀甀最栀琀 琀漀 ⴀ 愀渀搀 猀挀爀甀琀椀渀椀稀攀 琀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 瀀漀氀椀琀椀挀椀愀渀猀 爀甀渀渀椀渀最 昀漀爀 倀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀 椀渀 ㈀  㠀 眀椀琀栀 愀 挀爀椀琀椀挀愀氀 攀礀攀Ⰰ 爀攀愀搀礀 琀漀 栀漀渀攀猀琀氀礀 攀瘀愀氀甀愀琀攀 眀栀攀琀栀攀爀 琀栀攀椀爀 爀攀挀漀爀搀猀 愀爀攀 琀爀甀氀礀 瀀爀漀最爀攀猀猀椀瘀攀 漀渀 攀挀漀渀漀洀椀挀 愀渀搀 攀渀瘀椀爀漀渀洀攀渀琀愀氀 椀猀猀甀攀猀⸀  ⠀匀漀甀爀挀攀㨀 䰀椀戀爀愀爀礀 漀昀 䌀漀渀最爀攀猀猀⤀㰀⼀瀀㸀਀਀㰀氀椀㸀吀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 倀愀爀琀礀 椀猀 最爀攀愀琀 愀戀漀甀琀 猀攀渀搀椀渀最 昀甀渀搀爀愀椀猀椀渀最 氀攀琀琀攀爀猀 琀栀愀琀 猀挀愀爀攀 昀爀攀攀搀漀洀ⴀ氀漀瘀椀渀最 瀀攀漀瀀氀攀 椀渀琀漀 猀攀渀搀椀渀最 椀琀 洀漀渀攀礀⸀ 伀渀攀 漀昀 琀栀攀 昀愀瘀漀爀椀琀攀 琀漀瀀椀挀猀 漀昀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 倀愀爀琀礀 昀甀渀搀爀愀椀猀椀渀最 氀愀琀攀氀礀 椀猀 眀愀琀攀爀戀漀愀爀搀椀渀最㬀 琀栀攀 䐀攀洀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 倀愀爀琀礀 瀀漀猀琀猀 洀攀猀猀愀最攀猀 瀀漀爀琀爀愀礀椀渀最 刀甀搀漀氀瀀栀 䜀椀甀氀椀愀渀椀 愀猀 攀猀瀀攀挀椀愀氀氀礀 猀挀愀爀礀 戀攀挀愀甀猀攀 漀昀 栀椀猀 瀀爀攀瘀愀爀椀挀愀琀椀漀渀猀 愀戀漀甀琀 眀愀琀攀爀戀漀愀爀搀椀渀最⸀਀਀㰀瀀㸀䈀甀琀 琀栀攀 圀愀猀栀椀渀最琀漀渀 倀漀猀琀 爀攀瘀攀愀氀猀 琀栀愀琀 戀愀挀欀 椀渀 ㈀  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㜀⸀ 吀栀攀 䔀渀搀愀渀最攀爀攀搀 匀瀀攀挀椀攀猀 刀攀挀漀瘀攀爀礀 䄀挀琀 眀漀甀氀搀 瀀爀漀瘀椀搀攀 猀琀爀漀渀最 椀渀挀攀渀琀椀瘀攀猀 琀漀 瀀爀椀瘀愀琀攀 氀愀渀搀漀眀渀攀爀猀 琀漀 瀀爀漀琀攀挀琀 愀渀搀 攀渀栀愀渀挀攀 栀愀戀椀琀愀琀 昀漀爀 攀渀搀愀渀最攀爀攀搀 猀瀀攀挀椀攀猀 漀渀 琀栀攀椀爀 瀀爀漀瀀攀爀琀礀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀㰀瀀㸀刀攀瀀甀戀氀椀挀愀渀 挀漀渀最爀攀猀猀洀攀渀 愀渀搀 瀀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀椀愀氀 挀愀渀搀椀搀愀琀攀猀 䐀甀渀挀愀渀 䠀甀渀琀攀爀Ⰰ 刀漀渀 倀愀甀氀 愀渀搀 吀漀洀 吀愀渀挀爀攀搀漀 栀愀瘀攀 渀漀琀 挀漀ⴀ猀瀀漀渀猀漀爀攀搀 琀栀攀 氀攀最椀猀氀愀琀椀漀渀⸀ 吀栀愀琀✀猀 攀砀瀀攀挀琀攀搀Ⰰ 琀栀漀甀最栀⸀ 䄀猀 刀攀瀀甀戀氀椀挀愀渀猀Ⰰ 琀栀攀礀 猀甀瀀瀀漀爀琀 琀栀攀 爀椀最栀琀 漀昀 䄀洀攀爀椀挀愀渀猀 琀漀 琀爀愀猀栀 琀栀攀 攀愀爀琀栀 愀琀 眀栀椀洀⸀㰀⼀瀀㸀㰀瀀㸀圀栀礀 栀愀猀渀✀琀 䐀攀渀渀椀猀 䬀甀挀椀渀椀挀栀 挀漀ⴀ猀瀀漀渀猀漀爀攀搀 琀栀攀 氀攀最椀猀氀愀琀椀漀渀㼀 一椀渀攀琀礀ⴀ昀椀瘀攀 漀琀栀攀爀 洀攀洀戀攀爀猀 漀昀 琀栀攀 䠀漀甀猀攀 漀昀 刀攀瀀爀攀猀攀渀琀愀琀椀瘀攀猀 栀愀瘀攀 搀漀渀攀 猀漀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 渀漀渀攀 漀昀 琀栀攀洀 愀爀攀 爀甀渀渀椀渀最 昀漀爀 倀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀⸀ 䤀昀 琀栀攀礀 挀愀渀 挀漀ⴀ猀瀀漀渀猀漀爀 琀栀攀 戀椀氀氀Ⰰ 眀栀礀 挀愀渀✀琀 䐀攀渀渀椀猀 䬀甀挀椀渀椀挀栀㼀 䤀猀 栀攀 樀甀猀琀 琀漀漀 戀甀猀礀 瀀爀漀洀漀琀椀渀最 栀椀洀猀攀氀昀 琀栀爀漀甀最栀 栀椀猀 挀愀洀瀀愀椀最渀 昀漀爀 倀爀攀猀椀搀攀渀琀 琀漀 愀琀琀攀渀搀 琀漀 琀栀攀 戀甀猀椀渀攀猀猀 漀昀 栀椀猀 樀漀戀 椀渀 䌀漀渀最爀攀猀猀㼀 ⠀匀漀甀爀挀攀猀㨀 䰀椀戀爀愀爀礀 漀昀 䌀漀渀最爀攀猀猀Ⰰ 一愀琀椀漀渀愀氀 䄀甀搀甀戀漀渀 匀漀挀椀攀琀礀⤀㰀⼀瀀㸀਀਀㰀氀椀㸀∀䤀琀 琀愀欀攀猀 愀 䌀氀椀渀琀漀渀 琀漀 挀氀攀愀渀 甀瀀 愀昀琀攀爀 愀 䈀甀猀栀⸀∀ ᐀†䠀椀氀氀愀爀礀 䌀氀椀渀琀漀渀Ⰰ 䐀攀挀攀洀戀攀爀 㐀Ⰰ ㈀  㜀㰀瀀㸀∀一漀Ⰰ 椀琀 搀漀攀猀渀✀琀⸀∀ ᐀†䴀攀Ⰰ 䐀攀挀攀洀戀攀爀 ㄀㐀Ⰰ ㈀  㜀㰀⼀瀀㸀㰀瀀㸀䔀渀琀椀琀氀攀搀 攀氀椀琀椀猀洀 挀愀渀 猀瀀爀椀渀最 昀爀漀洀 愀渀礀 挀愀洀瀀⸀ 䰀漀漀欀 漀甀琀 昀漀爀 椀琀 愀渀搀 愀瘀漀椀搀 椀琀 ᐀†椀琀✀猀 愀 猀椀最渀 漀昀 愀爀椀猀琀漀挀爀愀琀椀挀 琀栀椀渀欀椀渀最⸀ 吀栀攀爀攀 愀爀攀 愀 氀漀琀 漀昀 最漀漀搀 瀀攀漀瀀氀攀 椀渀 琀栀攀 眀漀爀氀搀Ⰰ 愀渀搀 礀漀甀 搀漀渀✀琀 栀愀瘀攀 琀漀 栀愀瘀攀 琀栀攀 爀椀最栀琀 渀愀洀攀 琀漀 搀漀 琀栀攀 爀椀最栀琀 琀栀椀渀最⸀ ⠀匀漀甀爀挀攀㨀 一攀眀 夀漀爀欀 吀椀洀攀猀 䐀攀挀攀洀戀攀爀 㐀Ⰰ ㈀  㜀⤀㰀⼀瀀㸀਀਀㰀氀椀㸀吀栀攀 䌀䤀䄀 愀渀搀 琀栀攀 䨀甀猀琀椀挀攀 䐀攀瀀愀爀琀洀攀渀琀 愀爀攀 椀渀瘀攀猀琀椀最愀琀椀渀最 琀栀攀洀猀攀氀瘀攀猀 琀漀 猀攀攀 椀昀 琀栀攀椀爀 挀漀渀搀甀挀琀 眀愀猀 瀀爀漀戀氀攀洀愀琀椀挀 漀爀 渀漀琀 爀攀最愀爀搀椀渀最 琀栀攀 搀攀猀琀爀甀挀琀椀漀渀 漀昀 琀愀瀀攀猀 琀栀愀琀 猀栀漀眀 礀漀甀爀 最漀瘀攀爀渀洀攀渀琀 椀猀 琀漀爀琀甀爀椀渀最 琀栀攀 瀀攀漀瀀氀攀 椀琀 搀攀琀愀椀渀猀 椀渀搀攀昀椀渀椀琀攀氀礀 眀椀琀栀漀甀琀 挀栀愀爀最攀⸀ 䌀愀渀 眀攀 樀甀猀琀 猀栀漀爀琀ⴀ挀椀爀挀甀椀琀 琀栀攀 琀眀漀ⴀ洀漀渀琀栀 瀀攀爀椀漀搀 漀昀 栀攀洀洀椀渀最 愀渀搀 栀愀眀椀渀最 愀渀搀 樀甀猀琀 椀猀猀甀攀 琀栀攀 昀椀渀搀椀渀最猀 愀氀爀攀愀搀礀㼀 䤀 洀攀愀渀Ⰰ 挀漀洀攀 漀渀Ⰰ 眀攀 愀氀氀 欀渀漀眀 眀栀愀琀 琀栀攀 椀渀瘀攀猀琀椀最愀琀椀漀渀 椀猀 最漀椀渀最 琀漀 ∀昀椀渀搀㨀∀㄀⸀ 圀栀椀氀攀 挀氀攀愀爀氀礀 琀栀攀爀攀 眀愀猀 愀 戀爀攀愀欀搀漀眀渀 椀渀 挀漀洀洀甀渀椀挀愀琀椀漀渀Ⰰ 愀渀搀㰀戀爀㸀2. Some sacrificial underlings need to be disciplined,
      ㌀⸀ 䤀琀 搀漀攀猀 渀漀琀 愀瀀瀀攀愀爀 琀栀愀琀 愀渀礀 椀渀琀攀渀琀椀漀渀愀氀 洀椀猀挀漀渀搀甀挀琀 愀瀀瀀攀愀爀攀搀⸀ 䤀渀猀琀攀愀搀Ⰰ㰀䈀爀㸀4. It was a big misunderstanding.
      㔀⸀ 䜀漀氀氀礀 最攀攀Ⰰ 琀栀攀 䌀䤀䄀 眀椀氀氀 猀甀爀攀 戀攀 洀漀爀攀 挀愀爀攀昀甀氀 愀戀漀甀琀 椀琀猀 瘀椀搀攀漀琀愀瀀攀 瀀漀氀椀挀礀 椀渀 琀栀攀 昀甀琀甀爀攀⸀㰀䈀爀㸀6. And the naughty Justice Department will file its papers in better order.
      㜀⸀ 䄀氀猀漀Ⰰ 眀栀愀琀 琀栀攀 栀攀挀欀Ⰰ 椀昀 琀栀攀 䌀漀渀最爀攀猀猀 眀愀渀琀猀 琀漀 瀀愀猀猀 愀 戀椀氀氀 洀愀欀椀渀最 琀漀爀琀甀爀攀 椀氀氀攀最愀氀 椀渀 琀栀攀 昀甀琀甀爀攀Ⰰ 攀瘀攀渀 琀栀漀甀最栀 椀琀✀猀 椀氀氀攀最愀氀 愀氀爀攀愀搀礀Ⰰ 戀漀礀Ⰰ 琀栀攀 䌀䤀䄀 愀渀搀 䨀甀猀琀椀挀攀 䐀攀瀀愀爀琀洀攀渀琀 眀椀氀氀 戀攀 猀甀爀攀 琀漀 昀漀氀氀漀眀 琀栀愀琀 氀愀眀 戀攀琀琀攀爀 琀栀愀渀 琀栀攀 漀琀栀攀爀 氀愀眀猀 琀栀愀琀 愀氀爀攀愀搀礀 攀砀椀猀琀Ⰰ㰀戀爀㸀8. Except when [redacted] circumstances [redacted] polecats [redacted] fingernails [redacted] [redacted].

      I bet my left nipple that's what this "report" is going to say, because it's what every report of every government agency that ever investigates itself always says.

      So let's just say fudge to the intermediary kabuki and move on to an independent investigator, and then an impeachment for high crimes against the Constitution and federal law, and then mass resignations, and a series of legal reforms to ensure that this sort of abuse of power never happens again, and then…

      … oh, right. Today's Democratic Party is in charge of Congress. So let's just move on to the point where the Democrats say that they'll let the administration get by with this one because they're saving their ammunition for the next fight, when they'll really sock it to ‘em and stand up for what's right and all that jazz, if you send in your contribution today.

      Things could be different, but they won't be as long as the current bunch is in charge. Yes, Speaker Pelosi and Senator Reid, I'm talking about you, too. (Source: ABC News December 8, 2007)

    34. Representative Robert Wexler has been using outrage surrounding the impeachment issue to funnel traffic to his re-election website, where citizens are told they can sign up for news and contribute to the impeachment cause. But the small print shows that contributions go to the re-elect Wexler campaign, and those who sign up are giving their names to a campaign contribution solicitation listserv. Rep. Wexler is using issues to support his re-election campaign.

      Senator Christopher Dodd must know he won't win his bid to be nominated for President. But he's using his presidential platform to articulate a defense of the Constitution, and he has repeatedly used his presidential campaign website to organize citizen phone calls to their members of Congress regarding bills that are relevant to the survival of constitutional government.

      Shame on Robert Wexler for exploiting outrage for campaign purposes. Congratulations to Chris Dodd for using his candidate's platform to organize Americans around issues that clearly matter to him. If you want an America dedicated to important issues rather than focused on the endless campaign, do what you can to support candidates like Chris Dodd. (Sources: ChrisDodd.com, WexlerWantsHearings.com)

    35. In his address to the Senate on December 17, Connecticut Senator Chris Dodd had this to say about proposed legislation to immunize from judicial review any specified or unspecified program to engage in surveillance against the American people using telecommunications data mining:
      If we are to do our Constitutionally-mandated job, we need more than token oversight; we need full hearings on the terrorist surveillance program before the Intelligence and Judiciary Committees.

      Without that, we remain in the dark—and in the dark we're expected to grant the president's wish, because he knows best.

      Does that sound familiar to any of my colleagues?

      In 2002, we took the president's word and voted to go to war on faulty intelligence. What if we took his word again—and found, next year or the year after, that we had blindly legalized grave crimes?

      If this disastrous war has taught us anything, it is that the Senate must never again stack such a momentous decision on such a weak foundation of fact. The decision we're asked to make today is not, of course, as immense. But between fact and decision, the disproportion is just as huge.

      In 2002, Senator Dodd made a big mistake: he trusted George W. Bush's assertion that there was slam-dunk evidence of large numbers of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq. Assuming that George W. Bush knew best given the classified data available to him, Chris Dodd voted to give George W. Bush authorization to go to war against Iraq. That was a mistake. A big mistake. A huge mistake. A tremendous mistake.

      But now this is 2007, and Senator Dodd has been asked again to give George W. Bush the benefit of the doubt when Bush tells him and other members of Congress that the President absolutely must have the power to spy on Americans without a warrant in order to stave off a terrorist attack … but won't share the proof that such powers are necessary, and won't even tell the Congress what sort of spying on American has been done. He has the proof, and he has the need, Bush says, and he could show you the proof and the need if he wanted to, but he doesn't want to, because of the terrorist threat that's so huge it demands unprecedented power but so classified the Congress can't see evidence of.

      It's a circular argument with no basis in reality provided. It's ridiculous on its face. But the majority in the Congress, I'm sad to say, is falling for George W. Bush's ruse all over again. They are unwilling to learn from their past mistakes. It is the hallmark of a progressive politician that she or he is willing to reconsider past positions, is willing to engage in re-examination of evidence, of logic and of principles. Every person makes mistakes. A progressive should engage in an examination of past mistakes for flaws in thinking and flaws in evidence. That's part of what makes a progressive part of the "Reality-Based Community" that the Bush administration once so mockingly derided.

      When you examine the past and the present of the presidential candidates, it would be ideal to find a candidate who has always been right on every issue. But although some candidates may protest otherwise, you'll never find such a candidate no matter how hard you keep looking. What's more important to look for is the pattern in how a candidate has gone about making decisions in the past. Has she or he followed the herd or questioned authority? Has she or he relied on sound bites or sound thinking? When a candidate has shifted position, why? Is your candidate capable of learning and growing while maintaining adherence to the principles that work best and matter most? These aren't easy standards for a candidate to satisfy. But then again, leading the most powerful nation on the globe is not an easy job. (Source: Speech of Chris Dodd before the Senate on December 17, 2007)

    36. A months after John Kerry had been defeated by George W. Bush, I asked myself: Whatever happened to the ideals of the Democratic Party? Then, I slapped my forehead. What a stupid question. It's become quite clear that the Democratic Party, as an organization, is motivated by the preservation of power, not by any ideals. Witness the moaning of Democratic politicians after the 2004 election about how Democrats should change their ideals in order to make sure that they will win elections next time. This attitude only makes sense if the purpose of the Democratic Party is to win at all costs. For those of us Democrats who are in politics because we want to promote our ideals, a victory accomplished through compromise of our principles is no victory at all.

      I was registered Democrat, and for the few years before then, I had been fighting like hell to save the soul of my party from power-hungry, weak-spined collaborationists like the U.S. senators who did nothing as Chris Dodd fought the FISA Amendments Act of 2007. In fact, all of us who write for Irregular Times write because of the ideals that we believe in, not because we're devoted to seeing the Democrats win power at any cost. That means that when the Democratic Party splits from the progressive values that we support, we will split from the Democratic Party, and blast it just as much as we blast the Republicans.

      The Democratic National Committee's new chair, Howard Dean, has been told that his main job is to raise money for the Democratic Party, but this idea is symptomatic of the short-sightedness of conservative Democrats. The plain fact is that the Democratic Party will not be able to raise adequate funds unless it can convince people that the Democratic Party still stands for something. It isn't enough anymore just to frighten us with the terrible nationalist agenda of the Republican Party, because the plain fact is that a shameful number of Democrats in Congress are collaborating with the Republicans to promote that agenda. We are working for a cause, and the Democratic Party is clearly only working for the sake of self-preservation.

      If Dr. Dean cannot re-unite the Democrats in Congress behind the cause of traditional progressive values, it won't matter how many wealthy Democratic insiders he has lunch with. Those Americans who are interested in politics for the sake of power have already fled like rats to the Republican Party. So, the only fuel that the Democratic leadership really has to work with is the burning moral outrage of the 48% of America that opposes Republican nationalism. Fail to harness that energy, and the Democratic Party will fall apart - and if that happens, I'll be the first to say good riddance.

    37. This morning, I came across a pathetic and frightening blog entry. It seems that another liberal blog is shutting itself down out of fear of reprisals from angry Republicans. The blogger writes, "It's time I started job-hunting, and the last thing I need is to try to find a job in ultra-conservative Lubbock, Texas, when there's a big ol' weblog saying I'm a raging liberal. And no, leaving Lubbock is an option I would not prefer — I've got family here, and it would fill me with sorrows undreamed-of if I have to leave them. So I'm shutting it down to make sure I can find another job."

      I'm not going to mention the name of this blogger, or link in to his web site, because he, apparently, wants to remain anonymous. However, I wouldn't refer to this omission as "out of respect" for the blogger, because, frankly, I don't have respect for him.

      I know very well that there is a great deal of economic pressure upon Americans to conform to the Republican nationalist agenda these days. Until recently, I lived in a small Upstate New York community, in a Republican-dominated part of the state. While there, I had conversations with at least a dozen people who were quite liberal in person, but registered as Republicans and spoke as Republicans in public. These people explained to me that it just wasn't possible to get a job with the county unless they registered with the Republican Party first. The same was true for the big private employers around town. When the election season arrived, locals refused to come to any meetings for Democratic candidates unless the meetings were held in private homes. They worried that if word got out that they attended a meeting of Democrats, they'd be fired.

      I understand why the liberal blogger from Lubbock has decided to shut his web site down. Not just in Lubbock or Upstate New York, but all across America, Republican elites are using their economic power to suppress dissent. I understand what the liberal from Lubbock is doing, but I don't respect it.

      Fear only works as a source of power in American politics when people allow it to work. The plain fact is that if Republican business owners fired all their liberal workers, those Republican businesses would quickly cease to function. So, it's not necessary for liberals to be afraid of the economic power of the Republican elites - so long as we stand together for what we believe in.

      Unfortunately, many American liberals are not standing up for what they believe in. Many liberals have been shocked into stupid submission by Republican displays of power. These liberals may make life easier for themselves in the short term, but in the long run, they're setting themselves up for lives of repeated submissions. Every liberal who puts on a Republican mask for the sake of getting a job or keeping a job makes it more difficult for other liberals to defy the Republican pressure to submit. So, the next time these weak-spirited liberals apply for a job, they'll be forced to go through the charade all over again.

      The only way that we will free ourselves from this sickening cycle of submission and suppression is to refuse to surrender our public voices. Speak out against the Republican dominance of America, and Republicans will be forced to contend with liberal ideas.

      Self-censorship is a symptom of a corrupt society in which obedience is valued more highly than honesty. Such a society cannot thrive, for without honesty and open discussion of ideas, innovation withers. Without innovation, the economy cannot grow, and it will be a struggle to find work no matter how much we simper and tell the Republicans what they want to hear.